J Clifford's "The Predicament of Culture" (Book Note)

 

Clifford's central concern in his book, The predicament of culture revolves around the predicament of representational authority within modern ethnography. He delineates this predicament as a pervasive state of off-centeredness, where one exists within a culture while simultaneously observing and analyzing it. This entails a process of personal and collective self-fashioning within distinct meaning systems.

 

In a series of essays, Clifford contends that ethnographic scholarship, with its emphasis on tradition, has often overlooked both the unique histories of marginalized communities and their capacity for envisioning a future. In light of a shifting dynamic where these communities now speak for themselves, ethnography must evolve to incorporate an understanding of geopolitical dynamics and the cultural and personal biases of the observer.

 

Clifford's examination focuses on ethnographic discourse, which arises from the specific interaction between the observing self and the "other" being observed. While his examples draw heavily from the French ethnographic tradition, his insights hold relevance for the observation of cultures more broadly, whether they are foreign or indigenous.

 

Folklore and cultural issues become particularly salient, as seen in the final essay where Clifford delves into the legal arguments surrounding the Mashpee Indians' land claim in Cape Cod, Massachusetts. The trial grappled with the intricate question of how cultural identity is defined in a world marked by diverse and intermingling cultures. Were the Mashpee a distinct, separate nation, or were they U.S. citizens with distinct Indian customs, or perhaps both?

 

Alan Dundes posits that a folk group's identity necessitates just one common factor, recognizing that individuals may have multiple identities and participate in various cultures. However, Clifford raises a crucial point exemplified by the Mashpee case: which factor holds relevance on a given occasion, and who makes that determination? Power dynamics between the observer and the observed inevitably shape both perception and description. In the Mashpee case, the assertion of a distinct cultural identity was undoubtedly influenced by the substantial stakes involved—16,000 acres of valuable resort land.

 

In other instances, disparities in race, education, social standing, or gender between the observer and the observed can also tint the results. For instance, Joan Radner and Susan Lanser propose that women's culture may involve texts with esoteric messages that necessitate specialized coding strategies not readily accessible to men.

 

Clifford persuasively argues that those studying a group's customs and culture can no longer afford to overlook the observer's stance towards "being there." Nor can they allow traditional Western theory to monopolize the interpretative framework.

 

Clifford grapples with the challenge of representing culture and crafting ethnographic narratives. He views these writing strategies as forms of self-fashioning, guiding how data is gathered and presented, while cautioning against essentializing modes of representation.

 

In the first section, he examines ethnographic writing as a form of representation, emphasizing that it can be transformed into "serious fictions." He cites Dilthey to assert that ethnography involves interpretation and communication, where the observing self and the immediate context play crucial roles. Examples from Malinowski, Griaule, and Conrad illustrate the ethnographer's dual role as both participant and observer.

 

Clifford advocates for a shift towards "discursive ethnography," as exemplified by Rabinow and Turner, which emphasizes the intersubjectivity of speech and its contextual nature. He also underscores the importance of "polyphonic dialogism," as demonstrated by Turner's work with the Ndembu people, which gives voice to indigenous perspectives.

 

The second section, "Displacements," delves into the influence of surrealist writers like Bataille and Leiris on ethnography. Clifford contends that French ethnographers' fascination with African art in the 1920s led to a flattening of cultural distinctions. This section also explores the notion of fetishism in French ethnographic practices.

 

The third series of essays, "Collections," scrutinizes the fate of tribal objects in museum settings. Clifford highlights how these objects become linked to origin stories and abstract art movements, influencing perceptions of both tribal cultures and modern art.

 

In "Histories," Clifford provides a comprehensive review of Leiris' work and discusses the Mashpee trial as an example of marginalized communities beginning to assert their own narratives. He applauds Said's critique of knowledge and power dynamics but critiques certain essentializing tendencies.

 

While Clifford's book offers valuable insights, it lacks practical guidance on constructing performative texts, an area addressed by folklorists like Tedlock and Fine. Nevertheless, Clifford's reflexive approach prompts readers to recognize themselves as active participants in the construction and performance of folklore, inviting a reevaluation of Western scholarly practices and assumptions. This meta-anthropological perspective opens intriguing possibilities for applying folkloric methodology to history and literature.