Edward Soja's "History, Geography, Modernity" (Summary)

The nineteenth-century obsession with history, as described by Foucault, has not fully been replaced by a spatialization of thought and experience. An essentially historical epistemology continues to pervade the critical consciousness of modern social theory, understanding the world primarily through the dynamics arising from the emplacement of social being and becoming in the interpretive contexts of time. This enduring epistemological presence has preserved a privileged place for the 'historical imagination' in defining the nature of critical insight and interpretation.

As we move closer to the end of the twentieth century, Foucault's premonitory observations on the emergence of an 'epoch of space' assume a more reasonable cast. The material and intellectual contexts of modern critical social theory have begun to shift dramatically, with calls for a far-reaching spatialization of the critical imagination. A distinctively postmodern and critical human geography is taking shape, brashly reasserting the interpretive significance of space in the historically privileged confines of contemporary critical thought.

New possibilities are being generated from this creative commingling, such as a simultaneously historical and geographical materialism, a triple dialectic of space, time, and social being, and a transformative re-theorization of the relations between history, geography, and modernity.

Postmodern critical human geography emerged in the late 1960s, but was largely ignored due to the reaffirmation of history over geography in Western Marxism and liberal social science. C. Wright Mills's sociological imagination provides a basis for spatializing the historical narrative and reinterpreting critical social theory. Mills argues that the sociological imagination is rooted in historical rationality, a concept that applies to critical social science and Marxism. He argues that individuals can understand their own experiences and fate by locating themselves within their period and becoming aware of the chances of all individuals in their circumstances. The sociological imagination enables us to grasp history and biography, and their relations within society. Recognizing this task and promise is the mark of a classic social analyst.

The historical imagination, as described by Edward Soja, is a central aspect of critical social theory. It reduces meaning and action to the temporal constitution and experience of social being. This rationality is grounded in the intersections of history, biography, and society, and is shared by all social theories. The historical imagination is never completely spaceless, but it is always time and history that provide the primary "variable containers" in these geographies. Critical social theory has been particularly central to the search for practical understanding of the world as a means of emancipation versus maintenance of the status quo.

The development of critical social theory has revolved around the assertion of a mutable history against perspectives and practices that mystify the changeability of the world. The critical historical discourse sets itself against abstract and transhistorical universalizations, naturalisms, empiricals, positivisms, religious and ideological fatalisms, and any conceptualizations of the world that freeze the frangibility of time, the possibility of 'breaking' and remaking history.

Historicalism has been conventionally defined in several ways, including neutral, deliberate, and hostile. However, this definition identifies historicism as an overdeveloped historical contextualization of social life and social theory that actively submerges and peripheralizes the geographical or spatial imagination. This definition does not deny the extraordinary power and importance of historiography as a mode of emancipatory insight but identifies historicism with the creation of a critical silence, an implicit subordination of space to time that obscures geographical interpretations of the changeability of the social world.

Michel Foucault's contributions to critical human geography can be traced back to his historical insights, particularly in his lectures and interviews. He introduced the concept of 'heterotopias' as the characteristic spaces of the modern world, moving away from the hierarchical 'ensemble of places' of the Middle Ages and the enveloping'space of emplacement' opened up by Galileo. Foucault emphasized the importance of an external space, the lived and socially produced space of sites and their relations. These heterogeneous spaces are constituted in every society but take varied forms and change over time. He identified many such sites, such as the cemetery, church, theater, garden, museum, library, fairground, barracks, prison, Moslem Hamam, Scandinavian sauna, brothel, and colony. Foucault contrasts these'real places' with the 'fundamentally unreal spaces' of utopias, which present society in either a perfected form or turned upside down. The heterotopia can juxtapose in a single real place several incompatible spaces, either creating a space of illusion or creating a space that is other, as perfect as ours is messy and ill-constructed.
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Foucault's work argues against historicism and prevailing treatments of space in human sciences. He proposes a heterogeneous and relational space of heterotopias, which is neither a substanceless void nor a repository of physical forms. Foucault's innovative interpretation of space and time is influenced by structuralism, a critical reorientation that connects space and time in new and revealing ways. Structuralism aims to establish an ensemble of relations that make elements appear juxtaposed, set off against one another. This synchronic configuration is the spatialization of history, the making of history entwined with the social production of space. Foucault's spatialization of history was provocatively spatialized from the very start, opening up history to an interpretative geography. He emphasizes the centrality of space to the critical eye, especially regarding the contemporary moment. In an interview, Foucault reminisces about his exploration of 'Of other spaces' and the enraged reactions it engendered from those he once identified as the 'pious descendants of time'. He believes that space is fundamental in any form of communal life and any exercise of power.

Foucault's exploration of the "fatal intersection of time with space" in his writings is a reflection of his post-historicist and postmodern critical human geography. He was a historian who never abandoned his allegiance to the master identity of modern critical thought. Foucault had to admit that geography was always at the heart of his concerns, and this realization appeared in an interview with the editors of the French journal of radical geography, Herodote.

Foucault's argument takes a new turn, questioning the origins of the devaluation of space that has prevailed for generations. He takes an integrative rather than deconstructive path, holding onto his history but adding the crucial nexus of the linkage between space, knowledge, and power. For those who confuse history with the old schemas of evolution, living continuity, organic development, the progress of consciousness, or the project of existence, the use of spatial terms seems to have an air of an anti-history.

Foucault's spatializing description of discursive realities gives way to the analysis of related effects of power. In 'The Eye of Power', he restates his ecumenical project, stating that a whole history remains to be written of spaces, which would also be the history of powers, from the great strategies of geopolitics to the little tactics of the habitat. Foucault postpones a direct critique of historicism with an acute lateral glance, maintaining his spatializing project while preserving his historical stance.

Marshall Berman's book, All that Is Solid Melts into Air: The Experience of Modernity, explores the reconfigurations of social life in capitalism over the past four hundred years. He defines modernity as a mode of vital experience, encompassing time, space, history, geography, sequence, and simultaneity. Modernity is comprised of both context and conjuncture, reflecting the specific and changing meanings of space, time, and being. Berman's work serves as a means of reinforcing debates on history and geography in critical social theory and defining the context and conjuncture of postmodernity. The spatial order of human existence arises from the social production of space, while the temporal order is concretized in the making of history. The social order of being-in-the-world revolves around the constitution of society, the production and reproduction of social relations, institutions, and practices.

The experience of modernity is shaped by the changing "culture of time and space" that took place from around 1880 to the outbreak of World War I. Technological innovations and independent cultural developments created new modes of thinking about and experiencing time and space, leading to a transformation of life and thought dimensions. This expanded fin de siècle saw industrial capitalism survive its predicted demise through radical social and spatial restructuring, intensifying production relations and divisions of labor.

An altered culture of time and space emerged, restructuring historical geography and introducing ambitious new visions for the future. Both fin de siècle periods resonate with transformative socio-spatial processes, with a complex and conflictful dialogue between urgent socio-economic modernization sparked by systemwide crises affecting contemporary capitalist societies and a responsive cultural and political modernism aiming to make sense of material changes and gain control over their future directions.

Modernization is a continuous process of societal restructuring that is periodically accelerated to produce a significant recomposition of space-time-being in their concrete forms. For the past four hundred years, these dynamics have been predominantly capitalist, as has the nature and experience of modernity during that time. Modernization is unevenly developed across time and space, inscribes different historical geographies across different regional social formations, and has become systematically synchronic, affecting all predominantly capitalist societies simultaneously.

The last half of the twentieth century has followed a similar trajectory, with a prolonged expansionary period after the Second World War and an ongoing, crisis-filled era of attempted modernization and restructuring taking us toward the next fin de siècle.

 

Place, Space and Geography (Michael Ryan)

 

Culture and location are closely intertwined. Early human communities were shaped by factors like climate, soil quality, and available resources. These elements influenced the kind of cultures that could develop. In return, culture had a significant impact on the physical environment, leaving traces that reflected the values, ideas, and needs of the community. Some communities, facing limited resources, led migratory lives with temporary settlements and no specific buildings for tasks like conflict resolution. Others, with more resources, established urban centers with institutions like laws, courts, markets, and government buildings.

 

Different types of environments led to different cultural worlds. Humans transformed the physical landscape to suit their needs, evolving from mud to brick, then to buildings, and finally to meaningful institutions. For instance, when you visit Rome today, scattered stones in the old Forum may seem meaningless, but when imagined in their original places, they represent vibrant institutions that shaped the legal, political, and religious culture of the ancient city. Cultural Geography emphasizes how we not only adapt to our surroundings but also actively reshape them to reflect our thoughts, ideals, and values.

 

The interaction between human culture and the physical environment is a two-way process. The type of community that forms in response to an environment influences its cultural practices. These practices, in turn, transform the physical environment, turning it into a human-made landscape. Migratory communities primarily relied on oral traditions, passing down wisdom and values through spoken stories and songs. In contrast, highly organized societies like ancient China developed written systems to transmit their institutionalized culture, which emphasized values like respect for authority and self-restraint.

 Culture also helps us understand and navigate the world around us. It gives meaning to things like stop signs, gestures, and words. This interpretation of cultural symbols can vary by location. For example, a movie like Rambo may be seen differently in Western and Asian contexts. Culture is our perspective, shaped by factors like gender, personality, community, and race. It's also influenced by our geographic location.

 

Economically, culture plays a role in spatial transformations. For instance, when organizations like the International Monetary Fund require local farmers to compete with large corporations, it leads to significant changes in the cultural and physical landscape. Small farms disappear, impacting entire communities.

 

Culture is a tool we use to bring order to a natural world that can be chaotic and unpredictable. When we alter a natural landscape through construction or reshaping, we infuse it with our intentions and ideas. This transforms it from a simple physical object into a meaningful space. Like a stop sign, a landscape becomes a symbol with embedded ideas, even though it's a tangible object. To understand these meanings, we must interpret and translate them, much like reading a book.

 

Moving through a built environment is akin to reading a text. It's a collection of signs with meanings derived from the intentions of those who designed it and the cultural ideals behind those intentions. By living in this environment, we absorb these meanings and adapt our behavior accordingly. Landscapes are not only places of meaning but also sites where economic and power dynamics are evident.

 

Landscapes carry various cultural meanings, be they historical, economic, ideological, or political. They are products of human creation, serving the needs of a specific community. However, this "we" is not uniform. Our communities are divided by factors like gender, race, income, and belief, and these divisions are reflected in the cultural landscapes we create. For instance, the layout of Greek houses reflected gender hierarchies, while the stark contrast between wealthy areas and lower-income neighborhoods in cities like Philadelphia highlights economic and racial disparities.

Cultural history is reflected in landscapes, showing the impact of past choices and values. For example, the American superhighway system, established in the 1950s, prioritized car production over less profitable public transportation. This influenced American culture to become car-centric, unlike Europe where public transportation was safeguarded. Changes in landscapes indicate shifts in cultures or within the same culture. As the US urbanized, farmland around cities was replaced by suburban housing, and later by large industrial areas.

 

In areas undergoing gentrification (renovation to attract wealthier residents), architectural details of older buildings reflect an earlier culture. These details, often ornate and decorative, symbolize a time when wealth allowed for lavish decoration. The renovated counterparts focus on clean lines and efficiency, aligning with a newer culture valuing cost reduction, often at the expense of labor. This is evident in the use of cost-effective materials like metal instead of traditional brick construction.

 

Human labor shapes landscapes over time, resulting in layered meanings. Each generation adds its own significance on top of previous ones. Urban landscapes may feature diverse buildings, each representing distinct historical meanings. For instance, outside Back Bay Station in Boston, you'll find 19th-century red brick houses that were once single-family homes for the newly affluent. Many bear Christian crosses, reflecting the religious values of that era. Today, these houses have been divided into apartments for young urban professionals, altering their original purpose and meaning as physical structures.

 

Culture has spatial dimensions. It's evident in the distribution of populations across different regions, leading to distinct cultural differences. Culture also spreads spatially through information transmission, influencing the landscape with specific ideas and customs. For example, settlers in North America introduced a new religious ideology, eventually replacing indigenous beliefs. Additionally, culture can involve power dynamics, where one region's influence is imposed on another, as seen in the dominance of the Frankish language over regional languages in France. A community's way of life is influenced by its location. Urban Caribbeans in cities like London or New York have different lifestyles compared to rural Indians, affecting aspects like clothing, music, and access to cultural resources. Economic disparities can also lead to varying ways of life within the same location, such as the contrast between a luxury apartment dweller on the Upper East Side of Manhattan and a homeless person on the streets below.

Culture and location are closely linked. Different environments, like climate and available resources, influenced early human communities and the cultures that developed. Culture, in turn, shaped the physical surroundings, reflecting the values and needs of the community. Some communities were nomadic due to limited resources, while others with more resources built settled urban centers with institutions like laws, markets, and government buildings.