In grappling with the critique of colonialism advanced by
scholars like Edward Said, Homi Bhabha, and Ann Stoler, the theme of the mutual
constitution of self and other in colonial discourse has become a well-explored
terrain. The examination of how colonial powers, through representations of
indigenous peoples, shape their own identity, demonstrates the intricate interplay
between colonizer and colonized. This relationship, where the 'periphery'
influences 'metropolitan' identity and knowledge, forms the backdrop for Anne
Maxwell's analysis of images produced between 1850 and 1915—specifically, the
'live displays' at Great Exhibitions in England and France and the diverse
range of photographs produced by colonial powers. Maxwell's objective is to
scrutinize the racism that inflicted physical and psychological harm on the
subjects of these images while also contributing to the formation of European
identities and 'white hegemony.'
The strength of Maxwell's comprehensive study lies in its
abundance of rich material, explored through numerous case studies and
examples, including 55 plates. Her account of parallel developments across the
globe allows for the emergence of broad patterns. However, the challenge of
achieving such a sweeping perspective lies in the potential sacrifice of detail
and complexity. In her quest to highlight the inequalities of imperialism,
Maxwell's readings occasionally lean towards a deterministic view of colonial
relations, assuming a universally evil cast. Moreover, her emphasis on 'racism'
as the sole explanation for attitudes and events, evaluated through
contemporary moral standards, tends to sideline a more historically nuanced
analysis of the ambivalent relationship between colonizers and the colonized.
Maxwell's exploration begins by examining the connection
between exhibitionary displays of live peoples and contemporary racial theory.
She surveys the increasingly spectacular displays in the Jardin d'Acclimation
in the 1880s, illustrating how they set the pattern for similar displays
worldwide, invoking scientific, philosophical, and moral discourses of
imperialism. The subsequent chapter delves into photographs of non-European
peoples, initially produced by travelers and early anthropologists keen on
recording human differences in observable, physical terms. Maxwell briefly
considers the work of prominent photographers, such as Prince Roland Bonaparte.
Notably, she interprets one of Bonaparte's photos of Native American 'Standing
Bear' as evidence of a potentially reciprocal relationship, where the subject's
gaze back at the photographer opens up a space for reciprocity.
However, Maxwell's reliance on concepts like 'the look'
and 'looking relations,' drawing on the work of film theorist Ann Kaplan,
raises questions when applied to nineteenth-century colonial photography. The
assumption that the 'returned gaze' empowered the subject and interrogated the
white viewer appears questionable in historical contexts where Indigenous
subjectivity was overwhelmingly marginalized. Maxwell's examination of
Bonaparte's photograph of Aboriginal people, 'Billy, Jenny, and Little Toby,'
complicates this perspective, as all three subjects gaze steadily at the
camera, displaying unhappiness, anger, or despair. This challenges the
simplistic notion that 'looking relations' universally empowered subjects in
colonial photography. The interpretation of formal pictorial elements must
consider the specific circumstances of each photograph's production within its
historical and cultural context.
The subsequent four chapters explore evolving
representational strategies in settler colonies across North America, Australasia,
and the Pacific. Maxwell begins by detailing American exhibitions, such as the
1893 Chicago Columbian Exhibition, where the 'White City's' vision starkly
contrasted with the 'Midway,' an amusement zone featuring the display of
colonized peoples. She then delves into American photography's diverse
interests, from Agassiz's 1850s slave records supporting polygenesis theory to
Edward Curtis's 'salvage ethnography' capturing the 'vanishing race' of Native
Americans from 1907 to 1930.
Contrasting with the aggressive capitalism in North
America, the subsequent chapter explores the enthusiasm for exhibitions in
Australia and New Zealand as assertions of modernity that excluded indigenous
people by consigning them to the past. Despite Maxwell's intent to recover
indigenous subjectivity, questions linger about the perspectives of the
indigenous subjects themselves. For instance, in analyzing a tableau of seven
Maori individuals at the 1906-07 Christchurch exhibition, she highlights their
success in engaging with European culture, raising the question of why these
elite individuals participated in producing an image within the confines of
white representational practices.
Maxwell's account of Charles Walter's 1860s photographs
of Victorian Aboriginal people also raises concerns. She attributes to Walter a
'propensity for sexual voyeurism' and claims he produced images of
semi-pornographic nature. However, doubts emerge about the existence of such
images, as no evidence or citations are provided. This challenges the
credibility of Maxwell's claim, particularly given the cultural context of the
time.
The concluding chapters focus on 'dissident'
photographers, namely Thomas Andrew in Samoa and Margaret Matilda White's
portraits of East Coast Maori tribes. These photographers captured subjects
living in two worlds, adept at adopting pakeha culture without abandoning their
own. The final chapter explores how photographic portraits of the Hawaiian
royal family, designed to emphasize their nobility in the European monarchy
style, were strategically deployed to garner support for Hawaii's independence
under the looming threat of American annexation in 1898. This concluding
section disrupts the earlier chapters' simplistic structural relationship
between colonizers and the colonized, prompting a reexamination of the complex
and contradictory roles visual imagery played in colonial discourse.
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