The contemporary American academic landscape often
celebrates Immanuel Wallerstein as a prominent radical or Marxist figure,
particularly in the realm of 'world-system analysis.' However, upon examining
the collection of essays and articles in this book, Wallerstein seems more like
an enthusiastic yet perplexed observer in a timeless, otherworldly cocktail
party where influential figures engage in diverse conversations.
In the academic discussions, there's an underlying
assumption that intellectuals play a central role in shaping history, which can
be seen as a somewhat tiresome and conservative perspective on understanding
society. In his address to the American Sociological Association titled
"Modernisation: requiescat in pace," Wallerstein dismisses the
history of American sociologists' views on the Third World as an internal
process, detached from concrete historical forces or their relationship to
these forces.
Wallerstein positions himself as a paternalistic and
self-satisfied observer, framing the ethical question of how intellectuals
should view their role in the world-system. He uses an analogy of a strong
swimmer at a beach witnessing a drowning person and contemplates different
approaches to address the situation, drawing parallels to how societies respond
to crises like food shortages.
He presents a dilemma involving various courses of
action, from immediate rescue efforts to addressing root causes through social
and political change. Wallerstein's preference is to initially focus on
immediate interventions, such as stopping specific problematic activities,
before moving on to more long-term efforts aimed at changing laws and attitudes
within the community.
Wallerstein is often considered a writer who combines a
radical façade with an idealist perspective, along with a heavily abstracted
and dehumanized structuralism. While he claims to present a dialectical
understanding of capitalist development in contrast to bourgeois social
scientists, his use of Hegelian terms and his mechanical description raise
questions about the depth of his dialectical analysis.
Drawing on Marxist ideas, Wallerstein's world-system
perspective omits the labor theory of value and the central role of human
production and reproduction in social relationships, focusing instead on
relations of exchange. In his view, the world-system is determined primarily by
economic exchange, resembling pre-Ricardian political economy with historical
insights added.
Wallerstein posits two basic contradictions within the
capitalist world system: class conflict and periphery-core state relations.
Regarding class conflict, he attributes the development of classes mainly to
market relationships, depicting conflicts within core countries as struggles
among groups vying for control of the state.
The innovative aspect Wallerstein claims lies in his
international division of labor, incorporating ideas from dependency theorists
like Andre Gunder Frank and Samir Amin. However, he strips their analyses of
revolutionary content, emphasizing the weaknesses in radical development
theory, particularly its overemphasis on exchange relations and unequal
exchange.
Wallerstein's distinction from political theorists like
Amin, Frank, and Furtado becomes apparent, especially in his view that
struggles in Third World countries aim at turning them into semi-peripheries.
He questions the impact of wars of national liberation, suggesting that despite
weakening the internal supports of dominant regimes, they may inadvertently
integrate these countries further into the capitalist world-economy.
While Wallerstein criticizes liberal mainstream thought
for lacking historical depth in understanding economic development, his own
notions of historical development are criticized for being overly simplistic.
He categorizes human history into only three stages - mini-systems, world
empires, and world economies - a narrower framework than even Joe Stalin's. His
classification places capitalism as a sub-variant of the sub-category world
economy, leaving the definition of other 'world-economies' unclear.
Wallerstein's approach to understanding capitalism in the
fifteenth century onwards is critiqued for oversimplification. He categorizes
countries into cores, peripheries, and semi-peripheries, with the latter being
those in the middle in terms of world surplus. This grouping includes diverse
countries like Canada, South Africa, Italy, Saudi Arabia, Nigeria, Chile, Cuba,
and China, raising questions about the meaningfulness of such comparisons.
Through a limited framework of three types of entities
and a few moves, Wallerstein attempts to explain major historical events like
the American Civil War or the Russian Revolution. He reduces these complex
events to simplistic notions, characterizing the Russian Revolution as a
mercantilist semiwithdrawal and Fascism as Germany's effort to regain lost
ground.
Wallerstein engages in reductionism, asserting that
social democrats in core countries and populist-nationalists in peripheral
countries essentially represent the same interests and worldview. He also
indulges in speculative futurology, suggesting scenarios like an anti-American
alliance or using Central Asians as a Soviet Union workforce.
Despite advocating for discarding traditional notions of
the nation-state, Wallerstein relies heavily on the state as the fundamental
unit in his world-system approach. His analysis lacks depth in class analysis,
reducing class struggle to local politics, and complicates matters by
transforming race into an "international status group category."
Wallerstein's language and categorizations are criticized
as bewildering and occasionally unintentionally amusing. His work is seen as a
package of assertions rather than real analysis, with arbitrary definitions and
a lack of conceptual clarity. While acknowledging Wallerstein's impressive
learning, the review suggests that his attempt to understand capitalism
globally, without sufficient political and historical context, may frustrate
and anger readers rather than stimulate them.
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