In serious intellectual work, we don't believe in
absolute beginnings because things rarely start completely fresh. Instead, we
focus on important moments where old ideas are shaken up, and new ideas come
together with them in different ways. These changes in how we think about
things drastically alter the kinds of questions we ask and how we ask them.
This reflects the ongoing relationship between knowledge and power.
Cultural Studies, as a distinctive problematic, emerged from such a
moment in the mid-1950s, characterized by significant breaks with previous
traditions.
Key texts like Hoggart's "Uses of Literacy" and
Williams's "Culture and Society" played pivotal roles in staking out
this new terrain. While initially appearing as continuations of earlier
concerns, retrospectively, their breaks with past traditions were equally, if
not more, important. These texts departed from previous modes of thinking by
rejecting polarized cultural debates and emphasizing the significance of
culture in reflecting social, economic, and political changes.
Williams's subsequent work, "The Long
Revolution," further signaled the need to move beyond the established
culture-and-society mode of reflection towards a different kind of analysis.
Similarly, E.P. Thompson's "Making of the English Working Class"
contributed to this moment by foregrounding questions of culture,
consciousness, and experience, breaking away from deterministic and
reductionist frameworks.
These seminal texts were not intended as textbooks for a
new academic subdiscipline but were responses to the immediate pressures of
their time and society. They highlighted the importance of culture in
understanding historical transformations and emphasized the intersection of
culture with industry, democracy, and class dynamics.
The early New Left, to which these writers belonged,
placed the "politics of intellectual work" at the center of Cultural
Studies from its inception. The "settling of accounts" in these texts
defined the space from which a new area of study and practice emerged. This
moment of "re-founding" laid the groundwork for the
institutionalization of Cultural Studies in the 1960s and later, with its
characteristic gains and losses.
The concept of "culture" within Cultural
Studies emerges as a complex and multifaceted domain, defying simple or
unproblematic definitions. Instead, it serves as a site of convergent
interests, reflecting a convergence of ideas rather than a clearly delineated
concept. Through the seminal work of Raymond Williams, two main problematics
concerning the conceptualization of culture can be discerned.
The first problematic conceptualizes culture as the sum
of available descriptions through which societies make sense of and reflect
their common experiences. This definition democratizes and socializes the
concept of culture, rejecting earlier notions that emphasized the
"best" of civilization. Instead, culture is understood as ordinary
and encompasses the giving and taking of meanings in social processes. Art and
literature are no longer privileged forms but are integrated into a broader
cultural framework, reflecting shared meanings and activities within
communities.
The second problematic approaches culture from a more
anthropological perspective, emphasizing its aspect related to social
practices. This view defines culture as a "whole way of life,"
integrating various social practices into a cohesive whole. Culture is not
merely descriptive but is threaded through all social activities, revealing
patterns of organization and relationships. The study of culture involves
analyzing the interactions between these patterns and understanding how they
are experienced as a whole within specific historical contexts.
Williams's exploration of culture challenges idealist and
elitist definitions while also critiquing certain strands of Marxism. He
rejects simplistic base/superstructure models and economic determinism,
advocating instead for a radical interactionism that sees all practices as
interconnected forms of human activity. This perspective emphasizes the dynamic
and complex nature of culture, transcending rigid determinacy and recognizing
the intricate relationships between various social practices.
Several radical revisions of early positions in Cultural
Studies have significantly contributed to redefining its scope and objectives.
Despite the exemplary nature of Raymond Williams's project in continuously
reassessing and refining older arguments, a marked line of continuity can be
observed through these seminal revisions.
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One significant moment in this evolution is Williams's
recognition of Lucien Goldmann's work, which introduced him to an array of
Marxist thinkers focusing on superstructural forms. This encounter prompted
Williams to depart from the Marxist tradition he knew and to develop a theory
of social totality that emphasizes the study of culture as the study of
relations within a whole way of life. He replaced the base/superstructure
formula with the idea of a field of mutually determining forces. Williams's
emphasis on a structure of feeling converged with Goldmann's genetic
structuralism, highlighting the interactivity of practices and underlying
totalities.
Another pivotal moment occurred when Williams incorporated
E. P. Thompson's critique of The Long Revolution, leading him to rethink issues
of determination and domination through Gramsci's concept of hegemony. Williams
elaborated on dominant, residual, and emergent cultural practices, returning to
the problematic of determinacy as "limits and pressures." Despite
these revisions, Williams maintained earlier emphases, stressing the
interconnectedness of literature and art with other social practices and
rejecting the notion that any dominant culture exhausts human practice.
The dialogue between Williams and Thompson, although
initially sharp, gradually converged around common problematic terms.
Thompson's distinction between social being and social consciousness resonated
with Williams's concept of real, binding practice. Both scholars rejected
reductionist interpretations of determinacy and emphasized the dialectical
intercourse between culture and non-culture in understanding the historical
process.
The dominant paradigm in Cultural Studies, despite its
significant differences, conceptualizes culture as intertwined with all social
practices, emphasizing sensuous human praxis as the activity through which
individuals shape history. This paradigm opposes the base-superstructure
formulation, preferring a dialectic between social being and social
consciousness. Culture is defined as the meanings and values that arise among
social groups based on historical conditions, expressed through lived
traditions and practices.
Raymond Williams and E.P. Thompson epitomize this paradigm,
emphasizing experience as central to cultural analysis. They view culture as
inseparable from human activity and emphasize historical agency. Despite
variations in terminology, both scholars stress the importance of understanding
how people experience and respond to their conditions of life.
However, this culturalist strand in Cultural Studies
faced interruptions with the emergence of structuralist approaches.
Structuralism, influenced by figures like Claude Lévi-Strauss and Louis
Althusser, broke from the base-superstructure model and emphasized the
constitutive primacy of superstructural domains. Lévi-Strauss focused on
culture as categories and frameworks in thought and language, emphasizing
signifying practices. Althusser, similarly, viewed ideology as unconscious
categories shaping individuals' relation to their conditions of existence.
While both culturalism and structuralism reject
reductionist and economist interpretations, they differ in their
conceptualizations of culture and determinacy. Culturalism emphasizes
historical agency and the interconnection of practices, while structuralism
focuses on internal relations within signifying practices. Despite their
differences, both paradigms contribute to a nuanced understanding of culture in
Cultural Studies.
One of the most significant points of divergence between
culturalism and structuralism lies in their contrasting views on the concept of
"experience" and its role in shaping understanding. In culturalism,
experience is seen as the ground where consciousness and conditions intersect,
emphasizing the lived aspect of human existence. However, structuralism rejects
the notion that experience can be the foundation of anything, arguing instead
that individuals can only experience their conditions through the lens of
cultural categories, which themselves are unconscious structures. Thus, in
structuralism, experience is viewed as an effect rather than a source of
understanding.
This fundamental difference leads to various other
distinctions between the two paradigms. Structuralism tends to emphasize
determinate conditions, highlighting the ways in which individuals are
positioned within social structures that shape their agency. This perspective
discourages naive humanism and emphasizes the necessity of understanding the
structural constraints within which individuals operate. Moreover,
structuralism recognizes the importance of abstraction as a tool for
understanding complex social relations, acknowledging the need to develop
concepts to navigate the intricacies of social reality.
However, structuralism's tendency towards absolutism in
prioritizing theoretical abstraction can lead to oversimplifications and
overlook the dynamic interplay between different levels of abstraction present
in Marx's own work. Culturalism, on the other hand, pushes back against
excessive abstraction, emphasizing the concrete experiences of individuals and
the complexity of historical reality.
Ultimately, a synthesis between these two paradigms is
necessary to construct a more comprehensive approach to the study of culture.
Such a synthesis would acknowledge the importance of structural analysis while
also recognizing the significance of lived experience in shaping social
reality. By avoiding the extremes of abstraction and anti-abstraction, and by
transcending false dichotomies between theory and empiricism, a more nuanced
understanding of cultural phenomena can be achieved.
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Structuralism offers another strength in its
conceptualization of "the whole." While culturalism emphasizes the
radical particularity of practices, its understanding of totality retains a
simplicity grounded in the fluidity of practices moving in and out of each
other. Structuralism, however, advances by acknowledging the necessary
complexity within the unity of a structure. It introduces the concept of
overdetermination, which better captures this complexity than the combinatory
invariance of structuralist causality. Moreover, structuralism enables us to
think of unity constructed through differences between practices rather than
their homology, echoing Marx's insight into the unity of a social formation
constructed out of difference.
However, structuralism's emphasis on difference can lead
to conceptual heterogeneity, undermining the sense of structure and totality.
Post-Althusserians like Foucault have emphasized the non-correspondence and
heterogeneity of practices, but this approach risks losing sight of the overall
unity. Yet, if properly developed, structuralism can facilitate a more nuanced understanding
of specific practices without losing sight of their interrelatedness within the
larger ensemble.
A third strength of structuralism lies in its decentering
of "experience" and its elaboration of the category of
"ideology." While culturalism tends to prioritize the affirmative
moment of conscious struggle and organization, structuralism highlights the
importance of ideology in reproducing a particular mode of production. Although
some structuralist conceptualizations of ideology may lean towards
functionalism, recent work has suggested ways to conceptualize ideology as a
terrain of struggle, aligning with structuralist principles.
Culturalism's strengths often stem from the weaknesses of
structuralism and its strategic absences. It rightly emphasizes the dialectic
between unconscious cultural categories and conscious organization, recognizing
the role of conscious struggle in shaping history, ideology, and consciousness.
However, culturalism's overemphasis on consciousness can lead to a neglect of
structural determinants. Despite their differences, both paradigms offer
valuable insights, and a synthesis that acknowledges their respective strengths
and weaknesses may lead to a more comprehensive approach to cultural studies.
The third position in Cultural Studies, closely linked to
structuralism but embracing radical heterogeneity, is exemplified by Foucault's
work. Foucault's suspension of determinacy has enabled a return to concrete
analysis of ideological and discursive formations, aligning with culturalism's
strength in analyzing concrete historical instances. However, Foucault's
skepticism about determinacy can lead to a problematic non-correspondence of
practices to one another, hindering the adequate conceptualization of social
formations and the state.
While Foucault's work contributes valuable insights, a
synthesis of the best elements from structuralism, culturalism, and Gramsci's
concepts appears most promising for Cultural Studies. Structuralism and
culturalism, despite their flaws, address the core problem of Cultural
Studies—the relationship between culture and ideology, the specificity of
practices, and the unity they constitute. They also engage with the dialectic
between conditions and consciousness and the relation between the logic of
thinking and historical processes. Their sustained antagonisms define the space
and limits within which a synthesis might be possible, making them central to
the field of Cultural Studies.
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