Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri’s Empire (2000) is a foundational text in contemporary political theory, offering a provocative rethinking of global sovereignty, power, and resistance in the age of globalization. Departing from classical Marxist paradigms, Empire argues that the current world order is no longer dominated by individual nation-states or imperialist hegemonies but by a decentered, deterritorialized network of control they call “Empire.” This network represents a new form of sovereignty that transcends traditional boundaries, incorporating elements of political, economic, and cultural power into a global apparatus. The book is both a critique of the new global order and a manifesto of resistance, centered on the revolutionary potential of what the authors call the "multitude."
At the heart of Empire lies a key historical argument: the transition from
modern imperialism to postmodern Empire. In the era of imperialism, sovereign
power was centered in individual nation-states which projected military,
economic, and cultural influence over other territories. However, by the late
twentieth century, the rise of globalization began dissolving these traditional
centers of power. The authors assert that no single nation, including the
United States, holds hegemonic control over the world order. Instead,
sovereignty has become dispersed among supranational institutions (such as the
IMF, WTO, and UN), multinational corporations, and transnational legal
frameworks. These institutions work together to produce a global order that
regulates not only economic production but also subjectivity and social life.
Empire, in this context, is not a conspiracy
of global elites but a diffuse, hybrid form of sovereignty. It is characterized
by its flexibility, mobility, and capacity for assimilation. The logic of Empire
is immanent to globalization—it thrives not by conquering from without but by
incorporating differences from within. Empire operates through a dynamic of
inclusion and normalization, absorbing local identities, cultures, and
resistances by transforming them into functions of global capital and
governance.
One of the central innovations of Empire is the shift from the concept of “the
people” or “the proletariat” to that of the “multitude.” Whereas traditional
Marxism focuses on a unified working class struggling against the bourgeoisie,
Hardt and Negri posit that the multitude is a heterogeneous and networked body
of singularities—plural, diverse, and mobile. Unlike “the masses,” which
implies an undifferentiated, unified subject, the multitude consists of
differentiated individuals whose productive and creative powers are key to
contemporary capitalism.
This distinction is especially important in
the post-Fordist economic context, where the authors highlight a move away from
industrial labor to what they term “immaterial labor.” In today’s knowledge
economy, labor is no longer confined to the factory but is increasingly
cognitive, affective, and communicative. Immaterial labor produces not just
goods but relationships, meanings, and subjectivities. This form of labor is
deeply social and relational, occurring in open networks of cooperation. The
production of ideas, images, affects, and knowledge forms the basis of value in
postmodern capitalism. Hence, the multitude, as the subject of this new form of
labor, holds within it the capacity to resist and overturn Empire.
Yet Empire
does not merely describe the mechanics of global capitalism—it is also deeply
concerned with the politics of resistance. Hardt and Negri draw on a variety of
traditions, from Spinoza’s ontology of immanence to Deleuze and Guattari’s
theory of the rhizome, to propose a politics rooted in autonomy, creativity,
and desire. They reject both nostalgic Marxism and liberal reformism, seeking
instead a revolutionary potential inherent in the very structures of Empire.
Because Empire integrates and absorbs difference, the site of resistance must
be internal and immanent. The authors argue that the multitude, through acts of
biopolitical production and networked cooperation, can create new forms of life
that escape the control of Empire.
Biopolitics, a key term in Empire, refers to the regulation and
production of life itself. Empire governs not just through institutions and
armies but through the management of bodies, desires, and subjectivities. This
follows from Michel Foucault’s notion of biopower, which describes how modern
power functions not by repressing life but by shaping and organizing it.
However, Hardt and Negri extend Foucault’s concept by emphasizing the
productive capacities of the multitude. The multitude produces life,
relationships, communication, and affects—hence it also possesses the capacity
for biopolitical resistance. Resistance, then, is not a matter of seizing the
state but of creating new forms of living, new commons, and new institutions
that exist outside and beyond Empire’s logic.
While Empire
offers a powerful conceptual apparatus, it has also generated considerable
controversy and critique. Some scholars argue that the book underestimates the
continued role of nation-states and military power. Others suggest that the
notion of Empire is too abstract or utopian. Furthermore, the book’s faith in
the revolutionary potential of the multitude has been questioned, especially
given the fragmentation and precarity of contemporary labor. Critics also point
out that Hardt and Negri’s emphasis on the immanence of power and resistance
may blur the distinction between critique and affirmation, making it difficult
to determine concrete strategies for political change.
Nonetheless, Empire remains a landmark intervention. Its originality lies
in reframing global capitalism not as a new imperialism but as a new form of
sovereignty altogether. Rather than relying on traditional leftist binaries
(bourgeoisie vs. proletariat, state vs. civil society), the book maps a new
terrain of struggle—one in which power is networked, mobile, and immanent, and
in which resistance must also be networked, creative, and plural.
The work draws from an impressive range of
thinkers and traditions, weaving together insights from Marx, Spinoza,
Foucault, Deleuze, Gramsci, and postcolonial theory. It presents a deeply
interdisciplinary vision that cuts across political science, philosophy,
sociology, and cultural studies. The result is a theoretical synthesis that
seeks to understand not just the structure of global power, but also the modes
of subjectivity, labor, and life that emerge under its rule.
Importantly, Hardt and Negri do not conclude Empire with despair. Instead, they end with
a hopeful vision of global democracy and liberation. They argue that the same
networks that sustain Empire—communication technologies, global mobility, and
collaborative labor—also provide the basis for resistance. The multitude can
appropriate these networks for its own ends, creating new forms of democratic
organization that challenge the sovereignty of Empire. In a world where control
operates through flows and networks, resistance must do the same: through
collective intelligence, decentralized organization, and the creation of new
commons.
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