In his lecture on
governmentality, Foucault aims to begin an exploration of the concept of
government.
Throughout the Middle Ages and
classical antiquity, a multitude of treatises were presented as 'advice to the
prince'. These works covered topics such as proper conduct, the exercise of
power, and strategies for maintaining the loyalty and respect of subjects, as
well as promoting obedience to divine law. However, a notable shift occurred
from the mid-sixteenth century to the late eighteenth century, during which a
significant series of political treatises emerged. These works were no longer
simply offering advice to rulers; rather, they delved into the 'art of
government'.
The notion of government as a
general problem seems to have solidified in the sixteenth century, marked by
discussions on diverse questions. This includes inquiries into personal
conduct, as evident in the revival of Stoic philosophy during this period.
Additionally, there were discussions on the governance of religious
communities, encapsulated in Catholic and Protestant pastoral doctrine. The
governance of children also became a significant concern, reflecting the escalating
field of pedagogy during the sixteenth century. Lastly, the governance of the
state by rulers emerged as a central question, albeit perhaps as the final
topic to be addressed.
The multitude of issues
surrounding how to govern oneself, be governed, govern others, gain acceptance
as a ruler, and strive for excellence in governance all characterize the
complexity of the sixteenth century. This era stands at the intersection of two
processes: one dismantling feudal structures and paving the way for modern
governance frameworks; the other marked by religious reforms and dissension.
This duality of state
centralization alongside religious dispersion and dissidence seems to intensify
the problem of governance, leading to questions about how to be ruled, by whom,
and for what purpose. This presents a broad problematic of government in
general.
In examining the vast
literature on government up until the eighteenth century, I aim to highlight
certain points that are crucial in defining the political form of government.
One way to do this is by comparing this literature with a seminal text that
continuously drew opposition and critique: Machiavelli's The Prince. Examining
the relationship of subsequent works to Machiavelli's text can offer insights
into the evolution of political thought and governance theories.
It's important to note that
Machiavelli's "The Prince" wasn't immediately condemned; rather, it
was respected by his contemporaries and later generations up to the end of the
eighteenth century or the start of the nineteenth century. During the early
nineteenth century, especially in Germany, "The Prince" resurfaced
alongside discussions shaped partly by Napoleon's era, the Revolution, and the
challenges of governance in the United States. Additionally, it coincided with
the emergence of political and strategic concerns highlighted by figures like
Clausewitz, particularly relevant during the Congress of Vienna in 1815.
Machiavelli's work also intersected with the issues of Italian and German territorial
unity.
Between the initial acceptance
of Machiavelli's work in the sixteenth century and its rediscovery in the
nineteenth century, there was a period of debate and varied responses. Some
praised Machiavelli, while others vehemently criticized him from both Catholic
and Protestant perspectives. Implicit critiques also emerged in works that
indirectly challenged Machiavelli's ideas.
This debate shouldn't be
solely seen through the lens of Machiavelli's text and its scandalous aspects.
It was about defining an art of government. Some rejected the idea of a new art
of government centered on the state and reason of state, labeling it as
Machiavellianism. Others argued that Machiavelli's work was an imperfect
representation of a rational and legitimate art of government. Still, others
sought to justify aspects of Machiavelli's writings to validate a particular
art of government.
Regardless of whether
interpretations of Machiavelli were accurate, the debates attempted to
articulate a form of rationality intrinsic to the art of government, separate
from the prince's interests and his dominion over the state. This
differentiated understanding of the art of government from the prince's
capacity, as some saw in Machiavelli's writings, or criticized it as a new form
of Machiavellianism.
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The political concept
presented in Machiavelli's "The Prince," whether real or imagined,
sought to distance itself from the idea of a prince being inherently separate
from his principality. According to this view, the prince stands in a singular
and external relationship, even transcendent, to his realm. He may acquire his
principality through inheritance, conquest, or treaties, but he remains
detached from it. This connection is seen as synthetic and fragile, susceptible
to external threats from enemies and internal challenges from subjects.
This perspective leads to a
focus on the prince's ability to maintain his rule over the territory and
subjects he possesses, rather than on governing effectively. Anti-Machiavellian
literature aimed to replace this focus with a new concept: the art of
government. Retaining a principality differs from the broader skill of
governing. But what does this art of government entail?
Examining an early text in
this anti-Machiavellian tradition, Guillaume de La Perriere's "Miroir
Politique," sheds light on this question. La Perriere defines a governor
as someone who can be a monarch, king, lord, judge, or similar figure. He and
others writing on the art of government emphasize that governance extends
beyond ruling a state to include managing households, souls, children,
provinces, religious orders, and families.
In contrast to Machiavelli's
prince, who holds a unique and transcendent position, various forms of
governance operate within society, such as family leadership or religious
authority. These forms are immanent to society, unlike the prince's external
position. Despite the diversity of governance within society, there remains a
need to define the specific form of governing applicable to the state as a
whole.
La Mothe Le Vayer, in the
following century, categorizes forms of government into three fundamental
types: self-government, family governance, and state governance. Each
corresponds to a distinct area of study: morality, economy, and politics,
respectively. Despite their differences, these types of governance exhibit
essential continuity, demonstrating the interconnectedness of various forms of
authority within society.
While the doctrine of the
prince and juridical theories of sovereignty emphasize the prince's distinct
power, the art of government seeks to establish continuity between different
forms of authority, both upward and downward.
Guillaume de La Perriere's
work highlights two important aspects of governance. Firstly, there's the idea
of upwards continuity, which suggests that to govern a state effectively, one
must first learn to govern oneself, personal belongings, and family. This
pedagogical formation ensures that the principles applied to personal affairs
can be extended to state governance. Secondly, there's downwards continuity,
which implies that when a state is well-governed, individuals within families
will behave appropriately, maintaining a harmonious society. This concept
eventually evolved into what we now understand as "police," focusing
on maintaining order and discipline within society.
Central to this continuity is
the concept of "economy," which refers to the proper management of
individuals, goods, and wealth within the family. This idea transcends into political
practice, with the art of government aiming to introduce this meticulous
attention to the management of the state. This concept of "economy"
evolved over time, eventually becoming associated with the broader field of
economics as we understand it today.
Another critical aspect of
governance highlighted by La Perriere is the notion that government is about
arranging things in a way that leads to a desirable outcome. However, the term
"things" here doesn't just refer to objects but encompasses the complex
interactions between individuals and their surroundings. This includes factors
like resources, climate, habits, and relationships. The metaphor of governing a
ship is often used to illustrate this point, emphasizing the need to manage
both the crew and the vessel itself, considering various external factors like
weather conditions and potential hazards.
Similarly, governing a
household involves more than just safeguarding property; it entails managing
individuals within the family, considering events like births and deaths, and
making decisions that affect the family's well-being. Thus, the focus of
governance lies in managing the intricate interplay between people and their
environment, with property and territory being just one aspect of this broader
complex.
In the writings of Frederick
the Great, particularly in his work "Anti-Machiavel," the concept of
governance emerges as a central theme. He contrasts Holland with Russia to
illustrate that effective governance is not solely about the size of a territory
but rather about the proper management of resources and people. Frederick
argues that governing effectively means managing things, or the elements within
a state, in a way that leads to desirable outcomes.
This idea is further
elaborated by La Perriere, who defines government as the proper arrangement of
things to achieve convenient ends. Unlike sovereignty, which focuses on
obedience to laws imposed by the ruler, government is concerned with achieving
specific objectives that benefit each element within society. This requires the
strategic disposition of resources and the implementation of tactics to achieve
desired outcomes.
Moreover, La Perriere
emphasizes the qualities required of a good ruler, including patience, wisdom,
and diligence. Patience entails ruling without resorting to force, symbolized
by the example of the bumblebee king ruling the hive without needing a sting.
Wisdom involves understanding the objectives to be achieved and the means to
attain them, while diligence requires governing with the mindset of serving
those who are governed.
This understanding of
governance diverges from traditional notions of princely rule as depicted by
Machiavelli. It emphasizes a more holistic approach to leadership, where the
ruler's actions are guided by wisdom and aimed at serving the well-being of
society.
This conceptualization of
governance was not just a theoretical abstraction but had practical
implications. It influenced the development of administrative structures in
territorial monarchies, contributed to the emergence of statistical analyses of
state affairs, and intersected with the principles of mercantilism and the
science of police, which focused on regulating economic and social activities
for the benefit of the state.
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In the late sixteenth and
early seventeenth centuries, the concept of the art of government began to take
shape, focusing on the notion of "reason of state." This idea
emphasized that states are governed based on rational principles intrinsic to
them, rather than solely relying on natural or divine laws. The art of
government sought its rationality within the specific realities of the state,
rather than adhering to transcendental rules or moral ideals.
However, the development of
the art of government faced several obstacles. Historical crises such as the
Thirty Years War and financial instability hindered its progress. Additionally,
mental and institutional structures, particularly the dominance of sovereignty
as the central principle of political organization, posed challenges. The
preeminence of sovereignty meant that governance was often seen as an exercise
of sovereign power, limiting the autonomy and specificity of the art of
government.
Mercantilism, while
representing early attempts to apply the principles of government to political
practices and state knowledge, ultimately fell short due to its focus on
enhancing the sovereign's power and wealth accumulation. Mercantilism relied on
traditional instruments of sovereignty such as laws and decrees, rather than
developing new tactics for governance.
Throughout the seventeenth
century, the art of government remained constrained within the framework of
sovereignty, unable to fully develop its own principles and methods. Contract
theory, which explored the relationship between rulers and subjects, offered
some theoretical basis for the art of government but remained largely within
the realm of public law.
The art of government also
faced challenges in its reliance on the family as a model. This model, while
suitable for certain aspects of governance, proved inadequate for addressing
the complexities of territorial possessions and royal finance.
However, the emergence of
demographic expansion and increased agricultural production in the eighteenth
century provided new opportunities for the art of government. The problem of
population became a focal point, leading to a recentering of economic
considerations beyond the family model. This interconnected process facilitated
the development of the science of government and the evolution of economic
thinking in relation to governance.
The development of the science
of government led to a reevaluation of the concept of economy, shifting it from
its traditional association with family management to a broader understanding
focused on population and wealth. This shift allowed for the identification of
specific population-related issues and marked the beginning of new governmental
tactics and techniques.
Population became central to
governance, with the improvement of population welfare and conditions becoming
the primary goal of government. Techniques and campaigns were developed to
influence population behavior indirectly, often without their full awareness.
The population became both the subject of government intervention and the object
in the hands of the government.
Furthermore, population became
the focal point for government observation and knowledge. The emergence of
political economy, characterized by the interconnections between population,
territory, and wealth, was a result of recognizing new networks of relations.
This transition from an art of government to a political science revolved
around the theme of population and led to the birth of political economy.
While the importance of
sovereignty persisted, it took on a new dimension. Instead of deriving
government principles from sovereignty, the focus shifted to finding a legal
and institutional basis for sovereignty in a context where government
techniques were already established. This shift is evident in Rousseau's writings,
where he discusses the changing nature of political economy and the need for
new definitions of government.
The development of discipline
remains significant alongside the emergence of governmental techniques aimed at
managing populations. Rather than viewing society as transitioning directly
from a sovereignty-based system to a disciplinary one and then to a
governmental one, it's more accurate to see these elements as interconnected.
Sovereignty, discipline, and government form a triangle of power, with
population management as the primary focus and security apparatuses as
essential tools.
4
The historical shift towards
governmentality is closely linked to the emergence of population as a central
concern, alongside the isolation of the economy as a distinct field of study.
This trio of government, population management, and political economy has
remained influential since the 18th century.
In hindsight, a more precise
title for the lecture series would be "A History of Governmentality."
This term encompasses three main aspects:
The complex system of power
structures, knowledge, and techniques used to govern populations, with a focus
on political economy and security apparatuses.
The long-term trend towards
the dominance of governmental power over other forms, resulting in the
development of specific governmental institutions and bodies of knowledge.
The transformation of the
medieval justice-based state into the administrative state, gradually shifting
towards a more government-centric approach.
While the state often holds a
central place in contemporary discourse, it may be overemphasized both in terms
of its perceived power and its functional importance. Perhaps what truly shapes
modernity is not the state's centralization but rather the process of "governmentalization"
– the increasing focus on governance techniques within the state apparatus.
We currently exist within an
era characterized by "governmentality," a concept first recognized in
the 18th century. This phenomenon of the state becoming increasingly governed
is paradoxical. While the problems and techniques of governance have become the
primary political issues, this very governmentalization has also enabled the
state's survival. The continual definition and redefinition of the state's competence,
as well as the distinction between public and private spheres, are made
possible by the tactics of governmentality.
We can roughly outline the
historical forms of power in the West in three stages:
The state of justice, rooted
in feudal territorial regimes and characterized by a society governed by laws
and reciprocal obligations.
The administrative state,
emerging with the delineation of national boundaries in the 15th and 16th
centuries, characterized by regulation and discipline.
The governmental state,
defined not solely by territoriality but by the management of population, its
density, and economic factors. Territory is only one component of this state,
which operates through security apparatuses.
In subsequent lectures, I will
delve into how governmentality emerged from the archaic Christian pastoral
model and the diplomatic-military techniques developed on a European scale,
particularly after the Treaty of Westphalia. This phenomenon owes its existence
to specific instruments, such as the police, which were contemporaneously
developed alongside the art of government in the 17th and 18th centuries.
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