Postcolonial-Ecocriticism and the Idea of Place

 

When Frantz Fanon asserted that "for a colonized people, the most essential value, because the most concrete, is first and foremost the land: the land which will bring them bread and, above all, dignity," he might have laid the groundwork for the critical field of postcolonial-ecocriticism. According to Fanon, the term "land" is the defining feature of former colonies, serving as both an identity marker and a source of livelihood for the inhabitants, including both the colonizers and the colonized, both before and after the end of physical colonialism. This insight provides a basis for the collaboration of ideological concerns of postcolonial critics to develop a more comprehensive theory on colonized people and their natural environment.

 

While ecocriticism initially focused on the conservation of nature, particularly "the wilderness," postcolonialism centers on the "analytics of place, power, knowledge, and representation". Therefore, postcolonialism and ecocriticism converge on the idea that both fields are concerned with the representation of place, with postcolonialism emphasizing the historical aspects of place and ecocriticism focusing on the aesthetics of place.

 

Erin James suggests that when the environmental focus of ecocriticism intersects with the cultural, linguistic, and representational concerns of postcolonialism, there is an opportunity to "expand the boundaries of each discourse in new and exciting ways". However, this combination creates a philosophical instability within postcolonial-ecocriticism. Rob Nixon identifies key differences between the two:

 

Postcolonialists emphasize hybridity and cross-culturation, while ecocritics historically lean towards discourses of purity, emphasizing virgin wilderness and preserving 'uncorrupted' places.

Postcolonialism often deals with displacement, while environmental literary studies prioritize the literature of specific places.

Postcolonial studies tend to favor cosmopolitan and transnational perspectives, criticizing nationalism. In contrast, environmental literature and criticism often develop within a nationalistic American framework.

Postcolonialism explores marginalized histories, often along transnational axes of migrant memory, while environmental literature tends to repress history for a pursuit of timeless moments with nature.

Nationalism and Colonialism

 

The examination of nationalism during decolonization has generated diverse viewpoints, leading to disagreements about its role and dynamics. Political nationalism challenges the idea of 'colonial difference' externally, while cultural nationalism seeks to preserve it internally in a reformed manner. This complex interplay continues to have significant consequences for Africa today.

 

Benedict Anderson's work, 'Imagined Communities,' contributes to our understanding of the origin and global spread of nationalism. He suggests that the emergence of anti-colonial nationalisms is influenced by native 'bilingual intelligentsias.' These individuals, exposed to "modern Western culture in the broadest sense," played a crucial role in the rise of anti-colonial nationalism. By speaking the language of colonial rulers and having experienced life in Europe or North America, they used their knowledge to shape a nationalist consciousness when denied power by colonial regimes.

 

However, critics challenge Anderson's account, arguing that it diminishes the agency of the colonized world. Loomba contends that accepting Anderson's explanation implies that "anti-colonial nationalism is itself made possible and shaped by European political and intellectual history". This reduces it to a 'derivative discourse' relying on models and language borrowed from colonial powers. The Subaltern Studies collective, especially Chatterjee, questions what is left for nationalisms worldwide if they have to choose from predefined forms provided by Europe and the Americas. Chatterjee emphasizes that these regions not only shaped "colonial enlightenment and exploitation" but also "anti-colonial resistance and post-colonial misery," highlighting the enduring colonization of imaginations.

 

 Chatterjee acknowledges Euro-centrism in Anderson's views but argues that anti-colonial nationalism focused on the differences between Western and Asian/African identities, rather than a specific identity. To understand this, we can distinguish between nationalism as a political movement (external) and nationalism as a cultural construct (internal). The former challenges the colonial state, while the latter allows the colonized to create their own personal space.

 

In the cultural realm, nationalism shapes a modern project that isn't Western. Chatterjee argues that this is where the nation, as an imagined community, comes into existence. Anti-colonial nationalism often asserted control over language, religion, art, education, and popular culture, asserting sovereignty in Asia and Africa. Nigerian cultural nationalism in literature and filmmaking emphasized indigenous elements, proposing alternative representational paradigms. In this internal realm, anti-colonial nationalisms aimed to maintain reshaped notions of 'difference' to resist modern disciplinary power structures.

 

Externally, where nationalism is a political movement, efforts are made to eliminate the imprints of colonial difference. The colonial state's authority relied on maintaining the otherness of the ruling group, legitimizing actions by affirming their superiority. Colonial difference took various forms, with race often determining eligibility for governance and civil society participation. Language, too, occasionally restricted freedom of speech. South Africa is an example where colonial differences were stark. Anti-colonial nationalism aimed to challenge these differences by highlighting the incongruity between colonial rule conditions and the modern regimes sought by colonialists.

 

Colonial rulers justified their actions by incorporating social regulations to discipline individuals, claiming it made power more effective and humane. Anti-colonial nationalists agreed with this idea but argued that colonial rule went against the true principles of modern governance. For example, Nelson Mandela and the ANC in South Africa asserted their rights by referring to the norms of enlightened modern states. Similarly, in Algeria, nationalist leader Emir Khalid highlighted the conflict between French colonial policies and the modern regime of power it aimed to promote. He used assimilationist rhetoric against the colonial system, demanding equal rights for Muslims. This approach reflects the nationalist hegemony project, aiming to establish and expand modern forms of disciplinary power. In many ways, post-colonial states formed through nationalism have adopted the ideas and practices of colonialism.

 

 

 

 

 

Philosophy and Literature

 

The rejection of poets and writers in Plato's Republic, along with the arguments he put forth to justify his stance, has given rise to a perceived gap between philosophy and literature. This has sparked a provocative debate within academia regarding the relationship between these two disciplines. Many assert that there is no inherent connection between philosophy and literature,

contrary views exist among writers and philosophers who contend that it is inaccurate to claim that philosophy and literature are fundamentally separate—rather, they argue that the two are intricately linked, serving as corollaries.

 

 

Philosophy is not an inaccessible and esoteric discourse reserved for intellectuals or those deemed eccentric. Philosophy is not confined to doctrines and inscrutable mysteries packaged in books advocating atheism or secularism. philosophy can be understood in two senses.

 

Firstly, it can be seen as a world view, defined as a comprehensive perspective on the world and humanity's place in it, encompassing beliefs and ideas derived from it—be they economic, social-political, or moral. Within this framework, we distinguish between a communal world view, an unconscious amalgamation of beliefs, and a philosophical world view, characterized by a systematic and prognostic compilation of beliefs, practices, concepts, and ideas. Secondly, philosophy can be viewed as a rational critical discourse primarily aimed at self-understanding. philosophy becomes the criticism of the ideas shaping our lives. In this context, philosophy is reactive, argumentative, and challenges established explanations of ourselves and our beliefs. The term itself is entangled in a litany of definitions stemming from its problematic elucidation and etymology.

 

Literature can be precisely defined as a written imaginative and literal work possessing significance and enduring artistic value. It must be imaginative, written, and infused with artistic values.

 Drawing connections between literature and philosophy, Olusegun posits two general points of relation. Firstly, both are forms of social consciousness, representing constructions of language.

 

The initial layer of their interconnectedness lies in the fact that both literature and philosophy are inherently social phenomena, as asserted by Oladipo. Their social nature extends beyond being products of the society; they emerge from the human experiences of individuals or groups, addressing abstract matters that arise from reflective contemplation on life's phenomena. both disciplines are deeply rooted in culture and cater to the intellectual and practical needs of society. They share a common focus on the human person in various aspects of experience, reflecting a shared pursuit of a better understanding and resolution of human existence.

 

The second connection between literature and philosophy is their shared reliance on language as a medium of construction. Philosophy formulates and clarifies concepts, while literature utilizes these words to convey ideas, characters, moral principles, and to expand upon realities. Furthermore, both disciplines serve as mirrors reflecting the society's development and state. The philosophy of an era and the literature of a period provide insights into the nature, problems, and realities of that time, encapsulating the beliefs of individuals about their surroundings.

 Philosophy, as defined earlier, is normative, offering norms to regulate thinking and behavior in society through the critical examination of prevailing ideas. Similarly, literature conveys morality pedagogically through thematic elements. For instance, works like Achebe's "Things Fall Apart" or "The Beautiful Ones are Not Yet Born," and Wole Soyinka's writings embody this normative aspect.

 

both philosophy and literature are systematic presentations, avoiding mere haphazard amalgamation. They are deliberate constructs with structured elements. the dynamic interaction between philosophy and literature involves a mutual exploration of each other's areas of discourse. Crucially, philosophy engages with literature through the instrument of critical inquiry.

 

 

Literal criticism involves the philosophical analysis and judgment of works of art and literature. The intertwining of philosophy and literature is evident in the observation that "Great Literature is often deeply philosophical, and Great Philosophy is often great literature." This fusion is exemplified by renowned philosophers, with many presenting their ideas in literary forms, as seen in Plato's Dialogues. Notably, philosophers like Nietzsche and Wittgenstein employed a dramatic and aphoristic style in their writings.

 

To rightfully assume its place and fulfill its societal function, literature must incorporate elements of philosophy. In fact, certain literary works, such as Shakespeare's "Romeo and Juliet," are widely acknowledged as having philosophical dimensions.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Masculine Subject (Luce Irigaray)

 

 

Irigaray's philosophical undertaking revolves extensively around reimagining the relationships between women and men within a framework of sexual difference, treating both as autonomous subjects. Consequently, it becomes apparent that sexual difference, later reformulated as sexuate difference in Irigaray's later texts, provides a rich framework for delving into the complexities of masculinities and male bodies. In this discussion, I will explore the implications of Irigaray's critical project for the understanding of male bodies and the formation of masculine subjectivity.

 

Irigaray's work prompts us to approach men and their bodies from a radically different conceptual perspective, one where the feminine and female bodies resist being consumed, devalued, or defined solely in masculine terms. In essence, Irigaray proposes that men should cultivate a distinct mode of thinking and living within their own bodies, contributing to the construction of the world on their own terms without subsuming or appropriating the experiences of 'others'. This fundamental idea underscores why, for Irigaray, it is inconceivable to position herself in a man's standpoint or to presume to think or speak on his behalf.

 

Irigaray also implies a reconsideration of men's positions and lived experiences concerning their own bodies and their relationships with women, language, and the world. One facet of her philosophy involves urging men to critically examine their connection to the constructed and projected notion of 'humanity,' a construct predominantly shaped by men themselves. Since Irigaray contends that true humanity is yet to be realized, she advocates cultivating the limit—a concept she borrows from Heidegger—as part of her reevaluation of relationships between men and women.

 

Rejecting the artificial construct of humanity, which she sees as a masculine fiction dictating the notion of what a human being is, Irigaray proposes a return to the reality of sexuate difference as a transformative foundation for the universal. For men, this entails the task of cultivating the limit, embracing the finitude of their gendered embodied presence in the world and their male embodiment in relation to women's bodies and the world. This shift prompts men to recognize that they do not represent the entirety of the universal and the world. Consequently, men are urged to reconsider the journeys they undertake in and through the world, recognizing the need for a fundamental reevaluation.

 

In her "In the Beginning, She Was," Irigaray revisits the Heideggerian concept of the 'path' in connection to her critique of Western male culture characterized by estrangement and an outward rush to construct a world that eventually supplants individuals. Running parallel to this cultural trajectory is the concept of 'return'—a notion Irigaray reworks in dialogue with Nietzsche—specifically, the impossibility of returning home, to oneself. To address the crisis of man's identity, she proposes a dual return, both bodily and culturally, advocating for a rediscovery of almost forgotten meanings within Greek culture that could offer an alternative path and journey for men.

 

This return to oneself, this self-affection, particularly for man, is intricately linked to a sense of oneness, rooted in the undifferentiated connection with the maternal world and the dream world constructed in the absence of a cultivated relationship with the mother.

 

Irigaray suggests that the first step in this new journey of male masculine subjective formation involves a cultivation that starts with reimagining the relationship with the mother in bodily and affective terms. For instance, in works like "Sexes and Genealogies" and "I Love to You," Irigaray critiques the male imaginary and its symbolic expressions for negating the mother's body and reproductive power, the primary nurturing space, and the maternal relationship to the child. She argues that (male) language appropriates female puissance, sexuality, and desire, with the phallus symbolically replacing the umbilical cord, establishing the primacy of the castration complex in relation to the original separation from the mother.

 

Irigaray's constructive move is to propose morphological locations for rethinking man's imaginary in terms of affirming female bodies: a) the navel as a tribute place and scar memory for the primary bond and home with the mother (the umbilical cord, placenta, and womb), and b) a radical reinterpretation of the phallic erection as the masculine version of the umbilical cord, not as an all-powerful appropriating signifier, but rather as a repetition of the 'living bond to the mother' out of respect for 'the life of the mother.'

Consequently, in the context of men, Irigaray's thoughts on masculine morphology can be further elucidated through various dimensions. One avenue involves a reconsideration of how men relate to their own sexuate bodies, steering toward a radically different male imaginary that diverges from the prevalent phallic heteronormative representations of male bodies. Moreover, men are urged to reassess their relationship with the mother and her body, aiming for a representation of this connection that departs from traditional cultural norms.

 

Given the construction of male subjectivity through the cultivation of an interiority via language, there arises a necessity for linguistic transformations. This entails reshaping language to include the cultivation of male desire and self-affection through a novel mode of speech. Consequently, for men, both in bodily and cultural dimensions, the trajectory of one's path and the return to oneself, serving as the foundational conditions for that path, emerge as essential aspects. These aspects are integral to collaborative efforts with women in cultivating a cultural space that embraces a 'real' sexuate difference.

 

 

 

William M. Reddy, "The Navigation of Feeling: A Framework for the History of Emotions" (Book Note)

 

William Reddy's "The Navigation of Feeling" not only offers a fresh interpretation of the main trajectories in French history from 1700 to 1850 but also presents a theoretical dimension that extends beyond the confines of French history. Drawing inspiration from recent advancements in cognitive psychology and cultural anthropology, Reddy introduces a novel approach to the study of emotions. He envisions this approach not only as a means to enhance our understanding of historical phenomena but also as the basis for a new universalist "defense of human liberty".

 

In the course of his argument, Reddy transcends the boundaries of the social sciences, delving into the realm of philosophy. Here, he critiques post-structuralism and extends speech-act theory, offering a theoretical framework that encompasses both general principles and specific historical applications. The first part of the book employs broad terms, establishing a theoretical foundation. In the second half, titled "Emotions in History: France, 1700-1850," Reddy applies his theoretical framework to examine changes in "emotional regimes" in France, spanning from Louis XIV's reign to the July Monarchy. French history serves a dual purpose—supporting general arguments and providing a platform to showcase the application of Reddy's theory to concrete historical situations.

 

Reddy initiates his exploration by examining recent developments in the analysis of emotion within cognitive psychology. Scholars in this field have heralded a "revolution in the study of emotions," challenging the traditional dichotomy between thought and affect. Reddy argues that emotions can no longer be deemed inherently irrational merely because they do not conform to linear patterns of rational thought or exhibit the involuntary characteristics often associated with physiological arousal. Furthermore, emotional responses are no longer considered aspects of a biologically predetermined human nature; instead, they can be learned and unlearned, although such processes are not easily accomplished. Reddy emphasizes that individuals cannot arbitrarily fashion or refashion any emotion or set of emotions at will.

 

The concept that emotions are learned suggests a "constructivist" perspective, wherein emotional responses are viewed as culturally determined. William Reddy, who holds a joint appointment in history and cultural anthropology at Duke University, delves into this idea, highlighting its resonance among cultural anthropologists. However, Reddy critically examines the anthropologists' treatment of the social construction of emotional codes, asserting that much of this work lacks historical depth and political coherence. Reddy contends that if emotions are entirely determined by culture, it becomes challenging to recognize individuals as active agents shaping their lives, and historical change becomes elusive within such closed structures.

 

While acknowledging the contributions of cognitive psychology and cultural anthropology to understanding emotions, Reddy turns to philosophical theory to establish an approach that draws on both disciplines while addressing their perceived weaknesses. He aims to avoid Cartesian mind/body dualism present in some cognitive psychology approaches without fully embracing post-structuralist claims rejecting the concept of the autonomous individual. Reddy challenges post-structuralism by rejecting the notion that language is a "prison house" of arbitrarily designated signifiers and proposes the idea of translation. This concept allows for a more nuanced understanding, acknowledging that language may provide a more or less accurate version of reality, restoring a notion of individual agency.

 

With the concept of translation, Reddy proposes a working definition of emotions as essentially "translations" of "loosely linked thought material that tends to be activated simultaneously… and that is too large to be translated into action or utterance over a brief time horizon". Emotions, according to Reddy, represent the expression of a "disaggregated self", neither the coherent, rational ego of Cartesian theory nor the arbitrary illusion posited by post-structuralist theorists. Reddy then delves into speech-act theory, suggesting that statements about emotional states be labeled "emotives." These statements, he argues, have a "self-exploring or self-altering effect", indicating that expressing emotions through language may alter them. By making emotive statements, individuals act on themselves and the world, establishing the conditions for individual agency.

 

 

Having established his theoretical framework, William Reddy proceeds to elucidate the political implications of his argument. He defines individual freedom as the right to navigate one's emotions, attempting to chart one's own course. Emotional liberty, according to Reddy, involves the freedom to change goals in response to complex, ambivalent thought activations that challenge existing emotional management. This freedom doesn't entail making rational choices but allows for conversion experiences and life-course changes influenced by diverse and often incommensurable factors. Reddy categorizes different "emotional regimes" based on the extent to which individuals can exercise this emotional liberty. Strict regimes dictate emotional responses from external sources, fostering reassurance but hindering adaptation. Loose regimes offer flexibility but may complicate the definition of a coherent life course. Reddy contends that strict regimes present an incomplete and contradictory vision of human nature and possibilities, constituting a political failure that must be rejected. He asserts that his understanding of emotions and their relationship to the individual provides a universal standpoint that is neither ethnocentric nor reliant on an untenable notion of the rational, autonomous self. The primary goal of any social or political system, in Reddy's view, should be to minimize emotional suffering to the necessary minimum.

 

Reddy's approach to emotions shares commonalities with philosopher and classicist Martha Nussbaum, in her "Upheavals of Thought: The Intelligence of Emotions," argues for the cognitive content of emotions and sees political significance in this cognitive aspect. Nussbaum advocates for the guarantee of emotional development free from fear and anxiety as a societal capability. While both align with the liberal tradition of supporting individual rights, Reddy's political program is framed more negatively, focusing on reducing emotional suffering, whereas Nussbaum's is broader, encompassing protection for life, health, bodily integrity, and various human ideals.

 

Though Reddy and Nussbaum share a liberal perspective, differences emerge. Reddy's political claims appear more modest, perhaps influenced by anthropological critiques of Western notions of human rights, while Nussbaum, drawing mainly from the Western tradition, asserts a greater confidence in the universality of natural-rights. Reddy goes beyond Nussbaum in integrating the study of emotions into a social-science framework and presents an original extension of speech-act theory through his analysis of "emotive" statements.

 

However, it remains uncertain whether Reddy's argument can successfully sway committed cultural relativists. Like certain groups, such as medieval penitents, who derive spiritual value from physical pain, there might be cultures where emotional suffering is not perceived as the greatest evil. Reddy's proposition to measure the extent of emotional suffering inflicted by a particular regime raises challenges. For instance, in Unni Wikan's study of the emotional regime in Bali, where maintaining a cheerful demeanor is emphasized to such an extent that grief for the loss of a loved one cannot be expressed, questions arise about whether the Balinese suffer from extreme emotional repression or if their avoidance of grief protects them from pain experienced by Westerners. Reddy acknowledges regimes that combine "coercion and liberty", suggesting that some may be satisfying to the majority living under them. The challenge lies in delineating between acceptable and unacceptable degrees of emotional constraint. Reddy maintains that he is not presenting Western liberal responses as a model, describing the Western tradition as a "promising, although variegated, failure of world-historical proportions". However, his proposed solution still appears closely tied, for better or worse, to Western individualism assumptions.

 

In the second half of "The Navigation of Feeling," Reddy employs his constructed theoretical framework to analyze the emotional regimes in France from 1700 to 1850. This period is considered pivotal for the study of emotions, as, for a brief period, emotions were deemed as important as reason in politics, and this idea was subsequently rejected and erased from memory after 1794. Reddy uses this historical context to apply his theoretical insights.

 

Reddy's narrative of French history, while somewhat familiar, offers a unique perspective by translating the standard account through the lens of emotional regimes rather than political or intellectual ones. During Louis 14's reign, absolutism imposed a court etiquette code as a means of social control, influencing emotional management. In response, individuals sought a private emotional refuge where sentiments could be expressed freely. Reddy traces how the cult of sentiment, rooted in sentimentalism, developed dangerous tendencies as the century progressed. The French Revolution, typically viewed as an example of the excesses of abstract reason, is reinterpreted by Reddy as a demonstration of sentimentalism's extremes. The effort to transform France into an emotional refuge turned into the emotional suffering of the Terror, driven by coercive pressure to exhibit politically correct emotions. Reddy argues that the Jacobin regime's demand for perpetual emotional sincerity led to a fatal weakness, making all individuals feel like traitors. This, he claims, is a point that neither class analysis nor cultural interpretation alone can provide grounds for.

While not entirely novel, the concept of "emotional regimes" offers a valuable lens for examining historical societies and their impact on individual and collective experiences. Reddy's work, both theoretically and historically, contributes significantly to ongoing debates about establishing criteria for the good life that transcend cultural and dualistic assumptions about mind and body.

 

Under Napoleon, public sincerity ceased to be a valued virtue, with individuals exchanging public conformity to the Emperor's dictates for greater freedom in their private lives. Nineteenth-century liberals not only rejected the idea of basing the political order on sentiment but also revised eighteenth-century history to depict Enlightenment predecessors as consistent rationalists. Reddy observes a shift where the inner life of emotions was no longer seen as a source of "natural" impulses shaping institutions. Instead, sentiment was relegated to a private realm of personal reflection, artistic endeavor, and interior, non-civic spaces.

 

Reddy's narrative draws heavily on secondary literature and writings of prominent intellectuals. In the final chapter, he examines civil court cases from 1815-1848 to explore how lawyers and clients utilized the language of emotions. While post-revolutionary society allowed greater ease of emotional navigation, it came at the price of pervasive malaise and a sense of shame about the new bourgeois society. Despite its shortcomings, Reddy contends that this regime was more flexible and survivable than the sentimentalists' attempt.

 

However, Reddy's narrative prompts questions. His account, closely mirroring Jürgen Habermas's narrative about the rise of the public sphere, raises concerns about its teleological framework. Reddy interprets the French Revolution and subsequent emotional regimes as inevitable consequences of eighteenth-century attitudes toward emotions. This view aligns with the revisionist school's perspective, notably François Furet, seeing the Terror as inherent in the Revolution's libertarian rhetoric. Reddy's sympathies lie with the liberal regimes of the early nineteenth century, despite their limits on political participation and rigidly masculinist institutions.

 

An alternative interpretation challenges this teleological framework, questioning the inevitability of the Terror and recognizing different emotional consequences of eighteenth-century sentimentalism and the Revolution. It suggests that emotional freedom was first posed by the eighteenth-century sentimentalists, despite their problematic concept of the naturalness of emotions. The interpretation acknowledges that political traditions were not the sole focus and considers the role of religion, which Reddy's account neglects. It also highlights the positive significance of the Revolution for emotional liberty, citing Article 4 of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen and the liberal divorce law of 1792.

 

 

 

 

 

Roland Robertson's "Globalization: Social Theory and Global Culture" (Book Note)

 

Robertson defines globalization as the simultaneous compression of the world and the intensification of consciousness about the world as a unified entity. Departing from empirical generalizations and emphasizing sociological mapping, Robertson's approach delves into the historical role of sociology in shaping global awareness. While empirical data are infrequent, the book serves as a comprehensive survey of how sociologists have tackled the subject. Sociologists, according to Robertson, have played a crucial role in grappling with "globality" and contributing to the understanding of global interactions. The analyses offered by Robertson add depth to the understanding of the complexity inherent in globality.

 

The book revolves around four key focal points: national societies, individuals, international relations within the global framework, and the concept of "humankind." Robertson illustrates how these elements are intricately entwined in intense global interactions. Globalism, as discussed by Robertson, fosters both the particularization of the universal and the universalization of the particular. It has diverse effects, including nostalgic antiglobalism, heightened gender awareness, increased individualism, and influence on intellectual trends like modernism and postmodernism. Additionally, it challenges ideologically based interpretations, with Robertson expressing reservations about Wallerstein's world systems theory. Displaying an open-minded approach, Robertson advocates for a multidisciplinary perspective, aiming to transcend narrow viewpoints.

 

In specific chapters, Robertson provides factual references, such as the exploration of Japanese globality and religion. He suggests that Japan is of sociological interest as it serves a role in the contemporary world where other societies' leaders can learn how to learn about diverse societies. While this claim may be open to debate, Robertson also highlights Japan's unique ability to assimilate foreign elements like Confucianism, Buddhism, and Western skills into its indigenous continuities. Occasionally, he presents snippets of evidence, including a mention of awareness-raising tourism as a significant global industry. In conclusion, Robertson commends sociology for its potential major role in theorizing globality and globalization.

 

However, the use of highly abstract and verbose sociological jargon, coupled with extensive discussions of sociological disputes, makes the book challenging and controversial. Historians might contest the implicit assumption that sociological theories and concepts played a major role in globalization, arguing that power politics and invidious comparisons among states and individuals were more decisive factors. The multidisciplinary approach lacks completeness, overlooking crucial factors like geography and population density. The profound cultural disorientation in developing countries is also not addressed, while Western countries still benefit from cultural continuity. Robertson acknowledges the complexity of globalism but may overlook crucial evidence supporting alternative views, such as world history as a process of global Westernization.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Anthony H. Richmond's "Global Apartheid: Refugees, Racism, and the New World Order" (Book Note)

 

Anthony Richmond's Global Apartheid: Refugees, Racism, and the New World Order comprises essays that explore the intersections of postindustrialism, postmodernism, and globalization with international migration, racial conflict, and ethnic nationalism. The collection includes previously published articles, providing a nuanced and updated perspective. The content is structured into three sections: an in-depth exploration of theory, analysis of key issues emphasizing the multifaceted nature of migration flows and ethnic relations, and comparisons of policies and responses among Great Britain, the United States, Australia, and Canada. The final section delves into the priorities and dilemmas of the postindustrial era, offering prescriptive alternatives for the evolving global order.

 

Richmond employs the potent analogy of apartheid to elucidate the strategies adopted by industrialized countries globally, including Europe, North America, and Australasia. These regions aim to shield themselves from perceived threats to their territorial integrity and privileged lifestyles, primarily stemming from escalating international migration movements. The nature and scale of migration have evolved due to events and processes in our globalized, postindustrial society, with an estimated 70 million people living and working in countries other than their own, and over one million emigrating permanently each year.

 

 

Richmond underscores the irony that, while South Africa dismantles official apartheid, other parts of the world seem inclined to construct restrictive policies reminiscent of those employed in South Africa during the 1950s. The justifications for these measures echo familiar themes: defense of existing cultural and social institutions, state security, maintenance of law and order, preservation of ethnic identity, protection of economic privilege, and regulation of population movements. In the postindustrial society, the metaphorical hedge planted by Dutch colonials takes the form of armed patrols, data banks, fingerprinting, travel restrictions, judicial hearings, and policy instruments like the Schengen Agreement and the Dublin Convention.

 

 

The rapid pace of technological advancement, exemplified by the communication revolution, has facilitated closer linkages and interdependence globally. Events occurring in one location can set off a chain reaction with repercussions felt in distant countries. However, globalization has introduced contradictions into this interconnected world. While money, goods, and information flow relatively freely across borders, people face constraints on their movement. Migration pressures arise from shifts in economic growth areas and displacement due to conflicts. The predominant response has been an attempt to restrict these movements, labeling individuals as "illegal" or "undesirable" who might have been previously welcomed as valuable workers or escapees from oppressive regimes. This simplistic approach to the complex phenomenon inherent in globalization fails to address the root issues, and the fortress-like barriers are ultimately unsustainable. Richmond contends that a system of global apartheid is destined to fail.

 

In his book, Richmond confronts the challenge of providing a platform for discussing numerous controversial issues prevalent in current political discourse in Canada and beyond. Despite the constraints imposed by the swift and unpredictable nature of change, he successfully navigates these challenges. Richmond asserts, for instance, that ethnic diversity characterizes almost all postindustrial societies. The critical question emerges: Can cultural pluralism coexist with equal opportunities and the integration of immigrants? As globalization advances, will heterogeneity persist, potentially leading to the de-territorialization of cultures at the expense of homogeneity?

 

In the midst of an era marked by structural contradictions and the potential for social conflict, the absence of effective global governmental institutions is evident. The United Nations, in particular, is criticized for its failure to prevent civil wars across continents. Faced with these challenges, politicians, bureaucrats, and academics grapple with the responsibility of formulating policies on peacekeeping, international migration, and refugee movements. The author emphasizes the need to discard outdated plans and programs, urging a comprehensive reevaluation of the entire system on a global scale and fostering international cooperation. Short-term self-interest must yield to policies that serve the long-term interests of all, with active participation from people in developing countries.

 

Richmond argues that absolute state sovereignty is no longer tenable, as boundaries become permeable and defense mechanisms like walls, iron curtains, and surveillance systems prove ineffective. Sustainable development is advocated, with territories and resources held in trust for future generations. Beyond structural analysis, the author links concerns about territorial integrity and state sovereignty to individuals' "ontological security" needs and collective fears of identity loss.

 

The book provides an extensive empirical analysis of contemporary catalysts for social, economic, and political change, such as the legacy of colonialism, economic disparities, superpower confrontations, and recent shifts in Eastern Europe. The final chapter introduces three alternative scenarios for the New World Order: nostalgic, pragmatic, and utopian. The United Nations is positioned within the realistic utopian alternative. While the author skillfully leads the reader to the realization that there is no clear exit from the global impasse, the less tangible nature of the alternatives in the last chapter leaves the reader yearning for a more substantial conclusion.

 

The author gives considerable weight to the theoretical underpinnings of central issues and concepts, providing students with a comprehensive understanding of the academic landscape. This exhaustive contemporary work on the impact of globalization and postindustrialization on migration and racial/ethnic conflict offers thought-provoking insights, making it recommended reading for students, policymakers, and researchers.

 

 

 

Sangeeta Ray's "En-gendering India:Woman and Nation in Colonial and Postcolonial Narratives" (Book Note)

 

In "Engendering India," Ray explores the intricate and evolving expressions of gender within British colonial, Indian national, and postcolonial discourses. Focused on the period spanning from the 1857 Mutiny to the subcontinental partition in 1947, Ray delves into the construction of the 'authentic woman' of India in four distinct chapters. These chapters analyze various texts that share a common concern for shaping a 'national space called 'India.'' While many of the writers under scrutiny have been extensively examined in critical analyses, Ray offers fresh perspectives that scrutinize the nationalist and imperialist connections between the domestic and political realms in their works.

 

Ray's central argument asserts that "after 1857, the figure of the Hindu woman begins to function as a crucial semiotic site in and around which the discourses of imperialism, nationalism, Indian postcolonialism, and feminism are complexly inscribed". The initial chapter dissects Bankim Chandra's novels  to illustrate the construction of a Hindu identity rooted in an imagined glorious Hindu past during the early consolidation of the empire in India. This identity simultaneously celebrates and constrains the power of women.

 

Moving on to Chapter 2, Ray explores texts by non-Indian writers such as Harriet Martineau, Meadow Taylor, and Flora Annie Steele. These authors, in their fictions about the 1857 Mutiny, reimagine India as both Hindu and feminine, utilizing this rhetoric to impose an artificial unity on a culturally diverse nation. Chapters 3 and 4 are dedicated to the partition of Bengal in 1905 and the 1947 subcontinental division. Here, Ray scrutinizes the interplay between women and nationalism in male discourse through Tagore's writings. Additionally, she brings forth female critiques of the problematic male nationalist agenda by analyzing novels by Desai and Sidhwa. Ray's work sheds light on the multifaceted and complex intersections of gender, imperialism, nationalism, and postcolonialism in the literary landscape of India.

 

Ray's emphasis on the political dimension throughout her book proves to be highly insightful, as she grounds the literary texts in a rich historical context. This approach prevents her from interpreting the literary works in isolation, and she adeptly places them within a robust theoretical framework. Her theoretical lens pays close attention to the 'differentially positioned' and conflicting imperialist and nationalist narratives that collaborate in constructing a unified Hindu India and a fixed female Hindu identity. This method allows her to expose the inherent contradictions within nationalist discourse and the limitations of both nationalist and imperialist liberalism in addressing the complexities of Indian women's issues.

 

A noteworthy aspect of Ray's work is its relevance to the contemporary era of global relations and migration, demonstrating her ability to connect the historical context to present-day issues. The chapters culminate in a compelling epilogue where Ray explores the implications of gender in defining the nation-state in the current context. Going beyond literary analysis, she examines contemporary popular culture, newspaper advertisements, and everyday fragments to illustrate how multicultural and multinational economies continue to shape the Indian nation in gendered terms. The book reveals how age-old rhetoric, such as the portrayal of 'mother India,' is reproduced and repackaged for Western and diasporic consumption. Ray's declared objective is to disrupt such representations, positioning her work as personal, given her identity as an Indian academic in the United States. She sees herself as having a responsibility to critique the ahistorical nature of scholarly and popular depictions of Indian women, which profoundly influence their daily lives.

 

The book's valuable contribution lies in its exploration of the linkages between past constructions of the nation as gendered and its contemporary manifestations in Hindu nationalist discourse. This sheds light on the ongoing recasting of Indian women through a lens of particular Hindu nationalism that perpetuates regressive codes of feminine behavior using culturalist vocabulary. Undoubtedly, Ray's work stands as a significant contribution to studies on gender and colonialism, South Asian and British literatures, and diasporic discourses. Moreover, it serves as a crucial intervention in contemporary Hindu nationalist discourse on gender and sexuality.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Jahan Ramazani's "The Hybrid Muse:Postcolonial Poetry in English" (Book Note)

 

Jahan Ramazani presents a compelling argument in favor of addressing the notable gap in postcolonial studies, particularly the lack of critical examination of poetry within the field. In "The Hybrid Muse," he navigates the poetry of postcolonial poets such as W.B. Yeats, A.K. Ramanujan, Derek Walcott, Louise Bennett, and Bitek, demonstrating that poetry offers a nuanced rendering of history and the hybrid self. Ramazani acknowledges the perceived subtlety, nuance, and obliqueness of poetry, suggesting that this may be why it has been relatively overlooked in postcolonial scholarship when compared to fiction or essays.

 

Ramazani seamlessly moves between poetry and theory as well as across different cultures. He addresses the question of why Yeats is considered a postcolonial poet, exploring the complexities of Irish history under British imperialism. Ramazani highlights Yeats' use of Irish place names, remaking English forms, and leveraging global mythologies to create a mythic syncretism that challenges imperialism.

 

Ramazani contends that poetry possesses a unique ability to capture the complexity of colonized cultures. Examining poets like Walcott, he reveals how Western poetry becomes both the subject and catalyst for innovative techniques in postcolonial poetry. Walcott's "Omeros" serves as an example of how postcolonial poets indigenize canonical Western characters, use metaphor to bridge linguistic and cultural divides, and employ irony to expose both Western and local hypocrisies. Ramazani's discussion of Walcott's use of the wound motif illustrates the slippery and polyvalent nature of poetic discourse that circulates between races, classes, and communities.

 

In challenging mainstream American poetry's ignorance of postcolonial poetry and poetics, and pointing out the oversight of postcolonial literary studies in fully exploring the richness of poetry, Ramazani provocatively asserts that poetry has ironically become a minor field in postcolonial literary studies. His work encourages a broader recognition and exploration of the depth and significance of postcolonial poetry.

Ramazani's exploration of Philoctete's wound serves as the foundation for his subsequent analysis in the following chapters. Examining the wounds of individuals such as the West Indian, Louise Bennett, A.K. Ramanujan, and Bitek, Ramazani unveils the intersection of Afro-Caribbean negritude and European vegetation figures. The local trope of Anancy becomes a vehicle for Bennett to convey the playful and polymorphous folk wit of Jamaican creole, providing a cure through the use of irony and metaphor. The transcultural nature of Philoctete's wound and cure, marked by cultural borrowings, enriches local literary production in the postcolonial context.

 

Irony and metaphor, sharing the concepts of sameness and difference, double vision, and perception with postcoloniality, are key elements explored by Ramazani. A.K. Ramanujan's stereoscopic vision through metaphor brings readers closer to a precolonial past while mocking notions of revivalist nostalgia. The experience of linguistic and cultural displacement is evident in Ramanujan's work, emphasizing the weave of alterities within the human family.

 

Both Bitek and Louise Bennett demonstrate how local language enhances irony and metaphor, pivotal aspects of postcoloniality. Ramazani's discussion showcases the innovative poetics spurred by the postcolonial context and the juxtaposition with Standard English. Bennett's tongue-in-cheek critique of imperial power and welfare dependence, facilitated by irony and the folk figure Anancy, creates performance poetry that satirizes society.

 

In examining Okot's Song of Lawino, Ramazani highlights the poet's ability to surpass anthropology, revealing worlds beyond categorization. The dialectic between the Western and the indigenous is explored, culminating in the irony of postcolonials realizing they can never return to a pure, original culture. Ramazani emphasizes the hybrid nature of culture and language, asserting that the postcolonial experience enriches poetry, coloring the works of local American or English poets.

 

Ramazani provocatively questions the canon of anglophone poetry, proposing the inclusion of Third World poets alongside confessional, Movement, neoformalist, and experimentalist poets. By shaking up the canonical landscape and drawing attention to the prolific output of the hybrid muse across diverse geographies, Ramazani contributes significantly to expanding perspectives on postcolonial poetry.

 

 

 

 

 

Rajen Harshe, "Twentieth Century Imperialism:Shifting Contours and Changing Conceptions" (Book Note)

 

The concept of imperialism gained prominence with the publication of Robson's "Imperialism" in 1903. Lenin's influential work, "Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism," and the subsequent revolutionary success in Russia brought this concept and its associated praxis to the forefront of class and international politics. Throughout the twentieth century, imperialism haunted the bourgeoisie worldwide, manifesting as a recurring nightmare in various forms and intensities. Over time, the conceptions and contours of imperialism underwent changes corresponding to shifts in societal nature, introducing new forms such as social imperialism (socialism in words, imperialism in deeds), neo-colonialism, and more.

 

In the reviewed book, Rajen Harshe explores these evolving nuances of imperialism, examining representative literature, theoretical contributions, debates, and the policies/strategies formulated by different countries to counter this phenomenon. Thematically, the book can be divided into three parts. First, there is a survey of literature and major theoretical contributions. Secondly, it contributes to the theoretical discussion on the emerging role of middle-ranking/intermediate capitalist states playing sub-imperialist roles in Afro-Asian and Latin American regions, and on the Gramscian concept of hegemony. Finally, it surveys the emancipatory roles played by the Soviet Union and the Non-Aligned nations against imperialism.

 

Theoretical points that have been under-represented or not critically evaluated are also addressed. The focus on economic, political, or cultural subjugation/exploitation of one country by another, irrespective of its internal class divisions, ruling classes, and exploitation dynamics, is critiqued. The Marxian scheme emphasizes the primacy of class over country, suggesting that discussions on imperialism should prioritize class dynamics rather than the country itself. The substitution of class with country is seen as camouflaging class exploitation within a given society, shifting responsibility from the bourgeoisie to other societal classes.

 

The argument contends that the emphasis on the country obscures the role of the native bourgeoisie as collaborators/junior partners of the metropolitan bourgeoisie in economic exploitation, especially in the post-Independence periods of former colonies. The central beneficiaries of imperialism or neo-colonialism, whether British, French, Italian, or native elites, are shielded from scrutiny, while the working class in both imperialist and neo-colonial settings bears the brunt of exploitation without significant benefits. Therefore, the discussion of imperialism, colonialism, or neo-colonialism should conceptually focus on class rather than the country.

An additional point requiring emphasis is that the ruling elite of the neo-colonies, despite the perception of being unwilling partners of the metropolitan bourgeoisie, are, in reality, willing collaborators. They have consciously chosen this path to safeguard their property relations from potential overthrow by the expropriated. Their decision to align with the metropolitan bourgeoisie, rather than charting an independent or more revolutionary course, is strategic and protects their interests. There is no logical reason for them to share markets, natural resources, or surplus value with the metropolitan elite unless it serves their purpose. The extreme and critical social conditions in neo-colonial societies make the ruling elite vulnerable to any spark of revolt that could unite disparate groups against them, potentially altering existing property relations to their disadvantage. This predicament compels them to willingly partner with the metropolitan bourgeoisie, contrary to the perception of unwilling collaboration.

 

Caution is necessary when discussing the roles of the Soviet Union and the Non-Aligned nations in anti-imperialist struggles. The ruling classes of Non-Aligned nations structurally resemble those who had previously fought for independence alongside their people. Despite changes over time, their economic and political interests, particularly in securing a greater share of the market, remain consistent. The ruling classes of Non-Aligned nations collectively joined forces to pressure the metropolitan bourgeoisie for enhanced market access. Their symbolic support for independent anti-imperialist struggles served as a tactical maneuver to strengthen their bargaining position against the metropolitan bourgeoisie. Unfortunately, the masses, as usual, became mere cannon-fodder in their pursuit of economic gains. The case of the Soviet Union is no different, leveraging the anti-imperialist movement to secure greater market shares from individual nations within the Non-Aligned blocs and using the collective bargaining power of the Non-Aligned nations against the West for a share in the global market. This two-pronged strategy, coupled with the protected market of East Europe, allowed the Soviet apparatus to sustain itself for a couple of decades, projecting a socially progressive image. Both the ruling elite of the Soviet Union and the Non-Aligned nations pursued their economic and political agendas without genuine concern for the masses. The reviewed book indirectly touches on these themes but primarily centers around the concept of the country.

 

The most notable aspect of the book lies in its theoretical formulations, particularly in its exploration of the Gramscian concept of hegemony and its analysis of sub-imperialist states in Afro-Asian and Latin American countries. Regarding the latter, the author contends that "the capitalist form of development, to varying degrees, was embraced by diverse Third World states after the Second World War." While these states partially underwent industrialization, they failed to fully realize the potential of capitalist development, often exhibiting a combination of capitalist and pre-capitalist social formations. Termed as intermediate capitalist states, examples include South Africa, Brazil, India, among others. The characteristics of these states include being relatively new and autonomous centers of capital accumulation with intricate ties to international capital, serving as regional bullies propped up by imperialist states to further their interests, and having independent agendas, particularly within their respective regions. The analysis delves into the class formation of the ruling elites in these states and their roles on national, regional, and international levels.

 

In the section on "Gramscian Hegemony and Legitimation of Imperialism," the author concentrates on comprehending the functioning of the imperialist order, its superstructure, inter- and intra-state relations, rules facilitating world order expansion, and the legitimation of imperialist values. The discussion involves the cooptation of elites in peripheral countries and the absorption of counter-hegemonic ideas. Applying Gramscian concepts, the author seeks to counter and establish counter-hegemony, unraveling the seemingly normal and obvious imperialist values and ideas that provide stability to international capital. Harsh's utilization of the Gramscian approach enhances our understanding of the imperialist superstructure.

Rajeswari Sunder Rajan, "Real and Imagined Women:Gender, Culture and Postcolonialism" (Book Note)

Rajeswar Rajan's comprehensive exploration of gender, culture, and postcolonialism is illuminated through the lens of cultural representations surrounding contentious traditions in Indian culture. These include the self-immolation of Hindu widows (sati), husband worship, bride-burning, and dowry deaths. Rajan's analysis of specific texts and films is positioned within a nuanced intervention in contemporary feminist postcolonial debates on female subjectivity, the construction of tradition in minority cultures, and interpretations of resistance and agency in women's texts and broader social contexts.

 

The study posits that postcolonial cultures share common features such as feminist negotiations with the postcolonial state, social structural inequalities, the influence of nationalism and regionalism, and the tension between tradition and modernity. Simultaneously, postcolonial identities are diverse, challenging arguments for essential indigenous identities and the re-appropriation of colonial subjects by theory.

 

Rajan draws on selected texts and films to illustrate that representation holds its own political reality and consequences. The study contends that culture itself is both coercive and contested, and subjectivities are continually reinscribed in the cultural realm.

 

Navigating these topics requires delicacy to avoid sensationalism and ethical imperatives. The study resists reducing women's experiences to a "real" pain versus discursive constructions of female subjectivity. It timely and informatively addresses social debasement, considering various religious and cultural traditions underpinning practices like sati.

 

Sati, with its problematic attribution of motive, voluntary immolation claims, and lack of testimonies, invites debates on forms of subordination and ritual intricacies. The complexity of this topic is embedded in cultural reticence, psychological compensations, excuses, and ambiguity. Disturbingly, despite its official abolition in 1829, there were 4,386 "wife-murders" in 1990, indicating a tangled web of cultural pressure, ingrained practices, and self-serving male actions between these two time points.

 

Despite Rajan's meticulous analysis of her selected texts, a deeper exploration of the material aspects of the practices would have added valuable insights. The study touches upon widows, women, husbands, and relatives, but there's a need for more exploration into circumstances leading to death by burning beyond widowhood. Questions arise about the specific rites preceding and accompanying these practices, the role of economic pressures—exemplified by modern cases of daughters' suicides due to dowry concerns—and the origins of the fervor for husband worship.

 

It's intriguing to learn that Indian women can supposedly shorten their husbands' lives simply by uttering their names, especially considering that some only speak their husbands' names at the moment of their deaths. However, the original sanctions for such extreme forms of subordination seem to require further examination.

 

The study provides relief by acknowledging the staging of the "cultural unconscious" in popular films, involving elaborate acts of revenge against husbands and abuses of power. The exaggerated fantasies described align with the magnification of husbands' rights. Rajan wisely avoids emphasizing cultural differences and relativism but rather focuses on detailed historical and textual study, highlighting the continuity with Western traditions that feminists need to underscore.

 

The investigation might benefit from examining how India's integration into the global economy, Western intervention, development and aid practices, and the rural-urban divide may have encouraged practices that replicate or imitate sati. The study offers examples supporting this perspective.

 

Rajan extends earlier discussions of speech and silence by introducing the concept of "action," a third term with philosophical and political implications. This adds complexity to earlier feminist assumptions, challenging the notion that giving women access to public terrains and rescuing women's texts and voices from historical oblivion are the sole tasks of feminist critics.

 

The missing term for women subjected to sati seems to be "action," and the study raises important questions about measuring the subjective force of centuries of cultural practice. Sati, taken up in iconography, signifies repression, ambiguity, and cultural hybridity. It also signifies a complex relationship between pleasure and pain that warrants further questioning regarding the cultural continuation of women's ownership in Indian culture. Economic contexts don't merely replace religious motivation; they seem to over-determine forms of sati continuation in the modern world and their self-justification.

Rajan's chapter on Indira Gandhi extends the debate on the intersection of public power and private realms, challenging simplistic interpretations of women political leaders as surrogate males or symbols of motherhood. It questions gendered explanations of political authority and delves into the paradoxical relationship between Gandhi as Mother India and her declaration of emergency conditions. The discussion of allegories of power, women under emergency conditions, and rural village infrastructures and communities versus the pluralism of modern democracy invites comparisons with African structures and conditions.

 

Rajan's study broadly emphasizes areas of intervention in complex feminist and postcolonial debates, providing detailed readings of texts and clear summaries of problematic areas while outlining a cultural construction of female subjectivity that allows for contestation and agency. The overall direction of her thesis suggests a view of women as "conflicted subjects and sites of conflict" (135).

 

However, the general direction of the photographs and historical occurrences cited seems to portray Indian wives as passive objects of their husbands' and society's volition, creating a contradiction. This might exemplify one of the problems she introduces in her discussion: is subversion located within reading or writing practices? Iconography tends to lead us towards static contemplation and aesthetic responses. Politics, the non-essential essence of feminism, appears to require more than contemplation.

 

 

 

 

 

 

David Punter, "Postcolonial Imaginings:Fictions of a New World Order" (Book Note)

 

"Postcolonial Imaginings" has two primary goals: the first is to analyze a broad array of canonical and noncanonical texts associated with the "postcolonial," and the second is to shift postcolonial criticism toward the "literary." Punter acknowledges that his book is a mere "shadow" of a more extensive project that would comprehensively compare diverse postcolonial writings across various societal formations and languages. While recognizing the impossibility of such an ambitious undertaking, Punter's latent desire to make broad judgments about postcolonial literature shapes both the strengths and limitations of his work.

 

The book introduces readers to intriguing noncanonical texts, such as Elspeth Barker's "O'Caledonia" (1991). However, the breadth of Punter's project prevents him from giving due consideration to the distinctions between individual texts. Consequently, there is a tendency to flatten the specificities of various postcolonial locations and texts, as disparate works like Chinua Achebe's "Things Fall Apart" (1958), Keri Hulme's "The Bone People" (1985), and William Gibson's "Neuromancer" (1984) are treated equally under a common psychoanalytic framework of mourning and loss. This leveling out is ironic, considering Punter's sensitivity to contemporary neocolonialism and his criticism of the globalizing tendencies in postcolonial anthologies.

 

Punter's aim to steer postcolonial criticism toward the literary relies on an interesting but somewhat arbitrary description of the literary as "the uncanny, as the haunting and the haunted; as that which resists pinning down, that which will always squirm away and produce 'other', 'unauthorized' meanings." Similarly, his description of the postcolonial is contingent upon a psychoanalytic discourse, emphasizing a pattern of "loss and reversal" as its singular defining characteristic. While these definitions enable Punter to develop compelling psychoanalytic readings of literary works, they risk oversimplifying the complexities inherent in different texts and contexts.

Punter's project encounters certain stylistic and theoretical limitations. The book includes references that require further expansion. For instance, in the preface, Punter mentions Dipesh Chakraborty's article "Postcoloniality and the Artifice of History" (1992) without providing a detailed explanation of its relevance to his own project. In chapter 12, he contrasts a contemporary neocolonial US world order, represented by the World Bank and the IMF, with Derek Walcott's and Wilson Harris's literary critiques of global politics. However, he does not adequately develop his ideas about "a wider international movement" toward an alternative world order.

Punter's thought-provoking remarks about the ways postcolonial theorists might fall into the trap of an Enlightenment model of viewing theory "as the next 'stage' on the path to truth" are unfortunately marred by occasional misrepresentations of specific postcolonial critics.

 

 

 

 

 

What is Intersectionality?

 Intersectionality is a term that takes on various roles, being referred to as a metaphor, a concept, a research paradigm, an analytical sensibility, an ideograph, and a knowledge project. These diverse characterizations underscore the term's flexibility, breadth, and complexity, highlighting its relatively recent emergence as a conceptual framework. Else-Quest and Hyde (2016) distill three underlying assumptions present in most definitions of intersectionality.

Firstly, there is a recognition that individuals inhabit multiple social categories simultaneously, encompassing gender, ethnicity, religion, sexual orientation, able-bodiedness, and more. The awareness lies in understanding the interconnected nature of these categories, where the experience of one is intertwined with membership in others. In group dynamics, the alignment of multiple attributes, like gender and age, gives rise to diversity-related fault lines, dividing teams into relatively homogeneous subgroups, potentially leading to conflict and performance impediments.

Secondly, embedded within each socially constructed category is a dynamic related to power and power interrelations. Attention to power dynamics becomes a fundamental component of intersectional analyses, acknowledging the complex ways in which power operates within and across various social categories.

Thirdly, social categories are recognized as having both individual and contextual facets. These categories are intrinsically linked to personal identities while also being connected to broader institutional processes, practices, and structural systems. The intertwining of personal and structural implications in intersectional thinking renders the meaning and experiences associated with social categories fluid and dynamic.

Hulko (2009) suggests viewing intersectionality as a "paradigm," encompassing a cohesive set of theoretical concepts, methods of analysis, and a belief system, emphasizing its broad applicability, including the idea of interlocking oppressions. Furthermore, Hulko advocates for using intersectionality as a "lens" or "perspective," representing a narrower, more focused approach to examining the multiplicity of social identities without resorting to additive or reductive methods.

Mary Louise Pratt's "Imperial Eyes:Travel Writing and Transculturation" (Book Note)

 

In "Imperial Eyes," Mary Pratt explores the theme of how travel writing visualized and shaped relations between the European metropole and the non-European periphery, offering an ambitious work that intertwines textual analysis from cultural studies with the historical context of European imperialism. Pratt's approach involves using historical context to break down simplistic binary oppositions such as metropole versus periphery, masculine versus feminine, and white versus nonwhite, aiming to establish a more nuanced interplay between them. She employs the term "transculturation" from ethnography to describe the selective borrowings by one culture from another, framing it as a reciprocal but unequal exchange. According to Pratt, Europe defines America, is redefined by America, and Americanists reshape their identities in the light of Europe's imperial vision. Imperial eyes, as depicted in the text, encompass both masculine and feminine perspectives, with male and female travelers offering differing rather than antithetical perceptions of subjugated lands and peoples.

 

The book, presented as a series of essays on selected themes and travelers, begins by examining science and sentiment in the period 1750-1800. The naturalists' scientific endeavors, based on Linnaeus's system, are portrayed as a conquest veiled in the guise of passive but "androcentric" observation, reflecting the bureaucratic imperatives of a bourgeois order profiting from colonialism. In contrast, the late eighteenth and early nineteenth-century travelers, adopting a sentimental and autobiographical approach, depicted themselves as suffering heroes proposing a civilizing relationship with indigenous peoples while serving as the vanguard of capitalism's unequal exchange.

 

The second part delves into the reinvention of America (1800-1850), beginning with Alexander von Humboldt's influential travels. Humboldt's portrayal of South America as a land of pristine nature served as a foundation for subsequent male and female travelers, who highlighted the potential for capitalist development and sought to improve creole societies within European conventions of middle-class philanthropy. Female travelers, in particular, focused on the domestic sphere and addressed social issues within these uplifting conventions.

 

South American intellectuals, starting with Humboldt, ironically contributed to Americanist scholarship, particularly in pre-Columbian archaeology, which was conveyed to Europe. However, their focus differed from Humboldt's naturalist perspective, as they were more concerned with constructing a new civil society that preserved existing hierarchies of class, gender, and race. Domingo Faustino Sarmiento's reflections on barbarism and civilization in 1845 exemplify this approach, portraying an authentic Americanist vision as a barbarous consequence of a violent colonial past and its mixed population, while the "civilized" alternative merely imitated Europe artificially.

 

Pratt, with her expertise in Spanish and Portuguese literature, provides a clear and insightful exploration of South American themes in the second part. This section draws intriguing parallels with African travel accounts. In the third part, "Imperial Stylistics, 1860-1980," Pratt notes that mid-Victorian imperial visions, both masterful and masculine, persist in late twentieth-century accounts of Alberto Moravia in Africa and Paul Theroux in South America.

 

While Pratt deserves praise for the breadth of her historical exploration, she encounters challenges, especially in the cross-disciplinary analysis. Delving into the deeper meaning of travelers' language, she appropriately considers gender but sometimes simplifies the psychological aspects of her subjects. Rather than recognizing masculine and feminine attributes as historically informed categories subject to change, they are treated as fixed psychological realities. This approach, she argues, mirrors the reduction of foreign lands and peoples to sexual objects in travel writing. The psychologism in some analyses perpetuates this practice, underscoring the enduring cultural baggage of sexism and racism. Pratt acknowledges the difficulty of finding an analytical language that liberates rather than perpetuates these burdens.

 

From a historian's standpoint, the incorporation of the historical context of capitalism in Pratt's work may pose challenges, not due to the Marxist framework but because of its static treatment. The bourgeois order is presented as fully formed from the outset, influencing the natural histories of the eighteenth century. A capitalist vanguard emerges in the early nineteenth century, and subsequently, capitalism, portrayed in undifferentiated forms from the late nineteenth to the late twentieth century, shapes the imperial perceptions of travelers. For instance, Mongo Park's vision of reciprocal exchange with West Africans is linked to Marx's ideas of unequal exchange rather than the contemporaneous perspectives of Adam Smith and classical political economists. Additionally, the role of Africans in shaping Park's notions of exchange is overlooked as a neglected instance of transculturation.

 

A more compelling case for reciprocity disguising the unequal exchange of capitalism is presented with Mary Kingsley. Pratt acknowledges Kingsley's cultural relativism, influenced in part by her gender, which contributed to a more sympathetic view of African culture. Although recent feminist scholarship characterizes Kingsley as both pro-imperialist and anticolonialist, Pratt argues that her associates, the Liverpool traders, sought to solidify conditions of unequal exchange in West Africa, and Kingsley, along with E. D. Morel and others, discredited early African nationalists. Unfortunately, "Imperial Eyes" does not consider African writers in its exploration of transculturation.

 

While these concerns may seem like minor points of historical detail, imprecision can lead to confusion. The identification of Pierre Du Chaillu, Henry Stanley, Joseph Conrad, and Roger Casement as "hyphenated white men" of dual ethnicity raises questions. The categorization implies that they were leading critics of empire confronting Euroexpansionism, white supremacy, class domination, and heterosexism. However, this characterization raises questions about whether references to Casement's homosexuality are veiled and, if so, how it intersects with the bisexuality of Richard Burton or the mysterious sexuality of Cecil Rhodes, an architect of empire. Both advocates and critics of empire, Pratt contends, come in various forms, such as white, hyphenated white, male, female, heterosexual, homosexual, aristocratic, bourgeois, proletarian, brown, and black. Their choices, as human agents, were shaped by their historical context and made in light of their self-interest and ideological inclinations.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Val Plumwood's "Feminism and the Mastery of Nature" (Book Note)

 

Over the past decade, grassroots ecofeminist movements have gained momentum as women globally voice their concerns and resist a value system they perceive as jeopardizing the Earth and the well-being of future generations. Notable examples include the Chipko movement in India, the Kenyan Green Belt Movement, and women leading protests against uranium mining in Australia and Canada. From the Pacific to Native American territories, women advocate against nuclear testing's environmental devastation. Worldwide, they mobilize against toxic dumping, waste incineration, excessive pesticide use, and unsustainable mass production and consumption.

 

Despite its tangible impact, ecofeminism faces criticism and neglect from both feminists and environmental philosophers. Some view it as promoting a return to Earth Mother ideologies, perpetuating women's oppression. Others dismiss it as a collection of seemingly contradictory ideas. However, in Val Plumwood's "Feminism and the Mastery of Nature," a comprehensive academic analysis challenges these misconceptions, presenting ecofeminism as a valuable philosophy.

 

Ecofeminism is often misunderstood and undervalued, given its youth and ongoing evolution. Plumwood's work, for the first time, provides a well-crafted argument for ecofeminism's significance, dispelling common misconceptions.

 

Ecofeminist perspectives, rooted in examining the women-nature relationship, offer a paradigm extending beyond gender and environmental issues. Plumwood contends that ecofeminism reveals the interconnected mechanisms perpetuating oppression across gender, class, race, and the natural world.

 

In contrast to social feminism, which seeks gender equality without challenging cultural values, ecofeminism exposes how Western culture upholds an inequitable system favoring men, culture, and mind over women, nature, and the body. This biased system manifests through historical shifts from goddess cultures to patriarchal religions, the denigration of magic to the rise of science, the elevation of reason over bodily experience, and the colonization of foreign lands leading to today's ecological crisis.

 

A central theme underscored by Plumwood in ecofeminism is the prevalence of an unequal and dualistic perspective, serving as the foundation for various apparent oppressions within Western culture. In "Feminism and the Mastery of Nature," she meticulously unravels the mechanisms sustaining this inequality, injustice, and suffering. The book exposes the polarized worldview that compartmentalizes life, separating mind from body, culture from nature, and spirituality from sexuality. These dualisms create a hierarchy where one pole is valued and affirmed, while the other is devalued and relegated to a realm controlled by the dominant sphere. Consequently, the body serves the mind, women support men, and the Earth provides resources for cultural development.

 

Moreover, Plumwood highlights the denial of the dependence of valued aspects on the devalued ones. Only recently has Western culture begun to acknowledge human dependency on the Earth, driven by the recognition of ecological crises.

 

Ecofeminism, as Plumwood illustrates, draws from ecological language to propose that solutions to contemporary crises lie in restoring a sense of connectedness and relationship with the Earth and our bodies. Some ecofeminists use the metaphor of a web to depict interconnectedness, emphasizing our place in nature rather than apart from it.

 

Ecofeminist perspectives are permeating mainstream culture, notably in the burgeoning alternative healing movement and the recognition of the mind-body connection in allopathic medicine. There's an increasing awareness of the animal rights movement's arguments for equitable human-non-human relationships. Religious institutions in Britain are engaging in debates about the intersection of sex and religious practice, prompting a cultural reevaluation of the division between sexuality and the sacred.

 

However, instead of presenting a uniform holistic vision, ecofeminism embraces the ecological principle of diversity, asserting the need to acknowledge differences. Nature coexists with culture, mind is interconnected with the body, and men and women differ. Respect for diversity and difference, devoid of value judgments, within a culture of relationship, holds promise for a more equitable future.

Rafael Perez-Torres, "Mestizaje: Critical Uses of Race in Chicano Culture" (Book Note)

 

In "Mestizaje: Critical Uses of Race in Chicano Culture," Pérez-Torres explores the concept of race mixture among Chicanos, asserting the significance of a Chicano mestizo voice. He argues that in the Latino New World, bodies of racially mixed individuals symbolize sites embodying awareness of social inequity and the resulting contradictions. Pérez-Torres contends that Chicano popular art, literature, and expressive culture prominently feature the theme of race mixture or 'mestizaje,' driving cultural production. The focus spans Chicano popular music, poster art, and literature, emphasizing the role of mestizo voices in challenging the dominant US social order.

 

Pérez-Torres's understanding of mestizaje extends beyond biological notions of race-mixture to encompass social and cultural phenomena like 'transculturation' and 'hybridity.' Positioned within cultural criticism's exploration of contact zones and borderlands, his use of the term 'mestizaje' with explicit racial connotations stands out. This choice contrasts with Nestór García Canclini's preference for 'hybridization,' reflecting a broader perspective beyond biological race and a rejection of the nationalist narrative tied to the term 'mestizaje' in the Mexican context.

 

Pérez-Torres embraces 'mestizaje' for Chicanos due to its explicit racial dimension, challenging mainstream US discourses that often overlook Chicano experiences of racialization. He asserts the centrality of race as a critical intervention in Chicano criticism, which tends to focus on borderlands, violence, and bilingualism. Pérez-Torres sees the racial dimension of a critical mestizo voice as crucial for revealing the asymmetrical race relations in US society and empowering mestizas and mestizos to adopt new subjectivities that address a history of racial conflict. Ultimately, Pérez-Torres explores how cultural mestizaje embodies both utopian possibilities of aggregation and the contradictions and tensions produced by racial mixture, shaping the cultural expression of Chicano thought and identity.

 

In each chapter of this book, Pérez-Torres presents a cultural and political study in essay form, delving into various aspects of the mestizo voice. The introduction and first chapter lay the foundation for his concept of mestizaje, offering a detailed examination of academic and popular perspectives on race mixture. Chapter 2 explores mestizo voice in diverse texts, including the film Giant and the writings of Oscar 'Zeta' Acosta and Sandra Cisneros. Chapter 3 delves into the musical realm, analyzing artists like Los Lobos, Delinquent Habits, and Rage Against the Machine, who consciously employ formal mestizaje by blending distinct sounds and musical influences. Chapter 4 focuses on the role of Chicano public art, specifically poster art, in shaping notions of mestizaje. Chapters 5 and 6 center on the mestizo body as a site of knowledge, examining literary works by Emma Pérez, Gil Cuadros, Gary Soto, Victor Martinez, and Pat Mora.

 

While Pérez-Torres's writing occasionally delves into theoretical intricacies, his more compelling analyses emerge from close readings of specific cultural and literary texts. Chapter 3, for instance, provides a focused and concise analysis of three albums released in 1996 by Los Angeles musicians, revealing a critical dialogue about Chicano and American consciousness. Although the analysis leans toward celebrating a Chicano masculine aesthetic, subsequent chapters explore mestizo and mestiza voices that challenge normative assertions of Chicano identity, acknowledging the diversity within this cultural landscape.

 

The study's primary strength lies in its detailed exploration of mestizo and mestiza voices. However, this focus may result in a limitation, as it overlooks a broader dialogue with other discourses on racial and ethnic self-identification. Pérez-Torres acknowledges that his study aims to trace how race mixture embodies awareness of social inequity and contradictions. Nevertheless, his claims about mestizaje's liberatory potential prompt consideration of engaging with the discursive silences and alternative perspectives within the discourse. For instance, a comprehensive study of race mixture for US Mexican origin peoples should address the common discursive exclusion of African ancestry from the mixed racial heritage of Mexican and US Mexican descent individuals. Additionally, while many identify as mestizos and mestizas, others choose alternative racial/ethnic self-conceptualizations, such as 'Latinos and Latinas,' 'Mexican-Americans,' 'Hispanics,' 'Spanish-Americans,' 'indigenous,' or 'bi-racial.' Engaging with these diverse voices is essential for a nuanced understanding of Chicano perspectives on race and race mixture.